Bad leadership led to failure partisan movement in Crimea already initial stage. On July 19, 1942, the Front Headquarters radioed to the Crimea that “Mokrousov and Martynov would not return again,” Colonel Mikhail Lobov was appointed commander of the partisan movement in Crimea.

On July 24, 1942, in the new military conditions - the complete occupation of the Crimea - the "Plan for the leadership of the partisan movement, the intensification of military activity, the deployment of new partisan detachments in the Crimea" was approved.

On August 16, 1942, the head of the 4th department of the NKVD of the USSR, Pavel Sudoplatov, forwarded the message to the head of the Central Headquarters of the partisan movement (TSSHPD) Panteleimon Ponomarenko from the leadership of the partisan movement of Crimea:

“Please pass Comrade. STALIN and comrade. BERIA: Thousands of Crimean partisans are fighting fierce battles with large enemy forces. In one month, we destroyed 10,000 Nazis, more than a thousand vehicles, a lot of weapons and equipment. For the past 20 days we have not received answers and help North Caucasian Front and the Crimean regional party committee. More than 500 sick and wounded people are starving and doomed to death. We cannot get food on the spot due to crop failure and the complete robbery of the population by the Germans.

We ask you to resume assistance and evacuate the sick and wounded by air and sea.”

The situation became critical. A few weeks later, the new command of the partisan movement of Crimea came to the conclusion that there were no prospects for the development of the movement in Crimea, which Colonel of the Southern Headquarters of the partisan movement Khadzhiumar Mamsurov told Ponomarenko: “22 partisan detachments are operating in Crimea. The number of detachments decreased due to the removal of a significant part of the wounded, sick, and emaciated from there. The leadership of the detachments (Lobov, Lugovoi, and others) is determined in essence to leave the Crimea in connection with the unbearable situation.”

However, this opinion was not supported by either the Central Headquarters or the leadership of the regional committee. As the head of one of the detachments, Ivan Genov, secretary of the Crimean regional committee, Yampolsky, recalls, “I went with the decision of the regional underground committee and the opinion of the absolute majority that the fight must be continued”: after rest, return to the forest again to continue the fight.

As a result, the line pursued by the Crimean Regional Committee - under no circumstances to stop the activities of the partisan movement - prevailed. On October 18, 1942, the Decree of the Bureau of the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was adopted “On measures to strengthen partisan detachments and further development partisan movement in the Crimea. To lead the partisan detachments of Crimea, an "operational center was created consisting of Comrade Seversky (commander of the partisan movement), Comrade Yampolsky (Secretary of the OK All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks), Comrade Mustafaeva (Secretary of the OK All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)", the existing central headquarters liquidated.

The Operations Center is committed to:

- complete the work of evacuating sick and wounded partisans from the forest for treatment (approximately 250-300 people);

- from the remaining parts of the partisans after the evacuation, form 6 detachments, each consisting of 60-70 people, instructing the operational center to determine the areas of their activity on the spot;

- plant small detachments and partisan groups in the steppe part of the Crimea, primarily: Evpatoria, Akmonai, Kamysh-Burun, Adzhimushkay quarries, as well as in cities;

- to ask the Military Council of the Black Sea Fleet to provide assistance with watercraft for the evacuation of the remaining sick and wounded partisans.

The following tasks of the Crimean partisan detachments for the next period were formulated: a) to strengthen military intelligence and military work on communications (“not to allow the enemy to take out the loot from the Crimea”); b) keep the enemy in a state of alarm: attack small garrisons, commandant's offices, headquarters, self-defense units; c) destroy local traitors, elders, policemen, burgomasters; d) to avenge every act of violence committed against the local population.

The chairman of the Crimean government, Ismail Seyfulaev, pledged by December 1, 1942 "to throw 90-100 tons of food for partisan detachments at the rate of 500 people for 6 months, winter uniforms and other items of material allowance, and also to replenish food supplies in a timely manner."

It was proposed to “plant new agents in cities and villages, especially Tatar ones” and “to throw a group of fresh Chekist workers

In addition, it was decided to ask the TsShPD to issue 4 radios of the “North” type for partisan detachments of the Crimea, and the Military Council of the Black Sea Group of Forces of the Transcaucasian Front to allocate one radio for the Crimean Regional Committee of the CPSU (b). A request was also formulated to the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR Beria: "To send one of the employees of the former People's Commissariat of the NKVD of Crimea to lead intelligence and agent work in the Crimea." At the same time, it was proposed "to plant new agents in cities and villages, especially Tatar ones" and "to abandon a group of fresh Chekist workers."

These were the measures for the next reorganization of the partisan movement. The results of the first stage of the activity of the movement were summed up in the “Information on the state of the partisan movement of Crimea for the period from 11/15/41 to 11/15/42”, preserved in the fund of the permanent head of the TsSHPD Panteleimon Ponomarenko in RGASPI.

According to the document, the losses for the first year were: out of 3098 partisans, 450 people died of starvation, 400 deserted or went missing, 848 people died in battle, 556 people were taken out sick, wounded and exhausted (of which: civilians - 230 , military personnel - 211, border guards - 58, sailors - 30, cavalrymen - 27). “In connection with the hunger strike” 400 people were sent to the forests, to the steppe part for underground and sabotage work.

The number of partisans who died of starvation is only 2 times less than those who died during the fighting

Numbers in the document loss of life. Thus, it cannot but be surprising that the number of partisans who died of starvation (450 people) is only 2 times less than those who died during the hostilities. Even if the numbers are not 100% accurate, the fact that every seventh fighter died from starvation is still impressive. At the same time, given the clearly failed nature of the partisan movement at the first stage, the number of “exterminated soldiers and officers and the enemy during the year of partisan work” raises certain doubts - 12 thousand people.

As of November 1942, 480 people remained in the forest as part of 6 partisan detachments.

In November 1942, a very remarkable resolution was adopted by the Crimean regional party committee "On the mistakes made in assessing the behavior of the Crimean Tatars towards the partisans, on measures to eliminate these mistakes and intensify work among the Tatar population." In fact, it was the rehabilitation of the Crimean Tatar people, accused by the former leadership of the movement - Mokrousov and Martynov - of treason.

In the village Koush, a group of partisans of the former 4th district, in a drunken state, staged a pogrom, not understanding who was theirs, who was strangers

Its preamble stated that “an analysis of the facts, reports of the commanders and commissars of partisan detachments, carried out on the spot, indicate that the allegations of an allegedly hostile attitude of the majority of the Tatar population of Crimea towards the partisans and that the majority of the Tatars went over to the service of the enemy are unfounded and politically harmful." It was admitted that wrong actions were taken against the local population, and the conflict between the population and the partisans was largely the result of the attitude of “individual partisan groups to the local population”: “For example, Comrade Zinchenko’s group on one of the roads took away the products of passing citizens. In the village Koush, a group of partisans of the former 4th district, in a drunken state, staged a pogrom, not understanding who was theirs, who was strangers. The robbery of food bases by the Nazis was regarded as looting by the local population, and any citizen who got into the forest was shot.”

The document cited the facts of assistance and sympathetic attitude of the Crimean Tatars to the partisans (“A number of villages and villages of the mountainous and foothill part of Crimea provided active assistance to the partisans for a long time (the village of Koktash, Chermalyk, Aylyanma, Beshui, Ayserez, Shah-Murza, etc.), and the landing units that arrived in Sudak in January 1942 were entirely supplied with food by the surrounding Tatar villages of this region.In the village of Koktash, a partisan detachment lived and fed for half a month, until the Germans ravaged this village. detachments of the 2nd district. The detachment of Comrade Seleznev stood for 4 months in the village of Beshui and was supplied with food).

The Bureau of the Crimean Regional Committee of the CPSU (b) decided:

"one. Condemn as incorrect and politically harmful the assertion that the majority of Crimean Tatars are hostile towards partisans and explain that Crimean Tatars for the most part, they are just as hostile to the German-Romanian occupiers as all the working people of the Crimea.

2. Ask the Military Council of the Transcaucasian Front and Black Sea Fleet select and transfer to the disposal of the Crimean OK of the CPSU (b) a group of communists - a political composition of the Crimean Tatars, tested in battles for their homeland, for sending them to partisan detachments and work in the rear.

The decision "on the Tatar question is absolutely correct

In July 1943, the former head of the Crimean partisan movement, Mokrousov, tried to challenge this decision, but in response to his statement, the regional committee once again confirmed that the decision “on the Tatar question is absolutely correct and no changes should be made to the wording that comrade Mokrousov requires” . After that, Mokrousov "admitted his mistakes" and withdrew the application.

Note that after decisions taken among the new leadership of the partisan movement, representatives of the Crimean Tatar party elite also appeared, who were absent at the initial stage, and, as it was officially recognized, this was one of the reasons for the failures of the first stage of the partisan resistance (“none of the leaders completely took into account the fact that the indigenous population of Crimea - Tatars and, therefore, it was necessary to leave authoritative figures from the Tatars in the forests for constant communication and work among the Tatar population, ”wrote Colonel Lobov in one of the reports to the center).

According to the “Information on the state of the partisan movement of Crimea for the period 11/15/41 to 11/15/42”, “sent to the forest” were Refat Mustafaev, the third secretary of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, and with him a group of Tatar workers, of which 6 people have already settled in the Tatar villages” (including the commissar, deputy for political affairs Nafe Belyalov, chairman of the Supreme Court of the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Mustafa Selimov, secretary of the Yalta district party committee).

As follows from numerous official documents, the "Tatar issue" was discussed at various meetings of the country's leadership.

Ismail Seyfulaev recalled: “In the second half of 1942 and early 1943, I was at the reception of Malenkov, Kalinin, Andreev, Zhdanov, Kosygin, Mikoyan, Ponomarev, as well as a number of senior military figures. He reported on the state of the partisan movement, the necessary assistance to the people's avengers, who had endured a difficult winter, who had lost a significant number among their comrades. At the same time, Bulatov, the secretary of the regional committee, the chief of staff of the partisan movement in the Crimea, wrote several memorandums to the Central Committee. Everyone and everywhere listened attentively to us, but the alarm raised by Mokrousov worried and alerted the leaders. No one undertook to defend or refute the accusations against our people. The question is too serious, no one wanted to take risks. Everyone knew that this was beyond their competence, that such questions would be decided personally by Stalin.

In June 1943, Vladimir Bulatov again highlighted this issue - now at a meeting of the heads of intelligence departments of the headquarters of the partisan movement: “Based on some biased, unverified data coming from our comrades, we had the opinion that a good half of the Crimean Tatar population went along the line treacherous activity, on the occasion of the Germans. I must say that in fact the situation did not look the way we imagined it to ourselves and as informed by the leading comrades who remained on the territory of the Crimea ... In a number of villages in the mountainous and the motives for organizing these self-defense units? The Germans, when they occupied the Crimea, organized, first of all, the destruction of the food base of the partisan detachments, and we had a supply of food for all the partisan detachments, of which there were up to 3.5 thousand for about a year. Naturally, the Germans selected people from among hostile nationalist elements as guides to these partisan bases. And when at the head of any punitive group, either a German, or individual specimens from the Tatars, the impression was created, and our comrades made such a conclusion that the plundering of partisan detachments was carried out by the Tatars. And without understanding the essence of this phenomenon, without delving into the depths of the mood of the Tatar village, they embarked on a hostile path towards the partisans ...

For example, if we have up to 150 villages in the Crimea exclusively with a Tatar population, then the so-called self-defense units were organized in only 20-25 villages. Therefore, to say that the Tatar population took positions hostile to the Soviet regime is completely wrong ...

The Crimean regional party committee adopted a special resolution on this issue, where it gave a proper assessment of our mistakes of the initial and former partisan detachments on the ground by a number of leading comrades ... This is the decision of the regional party committee, comrade. Ponomarenko considers absolutely correct. And Comrade Stalin, when such rumors reached him, was literally indignant and said that there could be no such situation, apparently, they didn’t figure it out or went too far.”

It is hard to believe in the veracity of the phrase about the “indignation” of the leader

In the light of today's knowledge about the deportation of the Crimean Tatars that followed soon, it is hard to believe in the veracity of the phrase about the "outrage" of the leader. But what can be said with a high degree of certainty is that, despite the decisions made on the letter of rehabilitation, the “Tatar question” was constantly exaggerated at the top.

Ismail Seyfulaev recalled his meeting with Marshal Voroshilov of the USSR in December 1943: “I reported on the struggle of partisans against the Nazis, on sabotage on communications. Marshal listened carefully. When it came to the indiscriminate accusation of the Crimean Tatars, which was initiated by Mokrousov, Kliment Efremovich said the following: “The Crimean Tatars were and are traitors. During the war of 1854-1856, during the defense of Sevastopol, they refused to supply the military units of the Russian army with hay, read about this in Leo Tolstoy. To this I replied that I could not agree with this, the Tatars gave hay and fodder to military units, and the army quartermasters wanted to receive hay for free, and appropriated the money allocated from the State Treasury.

It seems that the position of GKO member Voroshilov on the eve of the decisive battles for the Crimea is indicative - let's assume that the eviction of the Crimean Tatars was only a matter of time...

Despite organizational and personnel changes and some stabilization, in the middle of 1943 the Crimean partisans continued to experience material difficulties.

For 18 months, the partisans exterminated 15,200 people of German-Romanian soldiers and officers

As of May 1, 1943, “in 18 months, the partisans exterminated 15,200 German-Romanian soldiers and officers. Destroyed 1500 vehicles with technicians and manpower of the enemy. 15 military railway echelons with equipment and manpower were derailed, of which only in 1943 11 echelons; according to incomplete data, up to 50 guns and more than 700 enemy soldiers and officers were destroyed during the crash. More than 50,000 meters of telegraph wires were cut. 3 large warehouses with ammunition, fodder, uniforms were blown up. Burnt out stable. In Simferopol, 1,500 heads of cattle and 100 horses of the enemy were poisoned, 10,000 mechanical molds were disabled at the bakery, and 3 wagons of leather materials were damaged. 48 tractors and trailers were destroyed, 35 bridges were blown up, 30 convoys were destroyed, and 5 enemy headquarters were destroyed. 300 traitors were exterminated.

As of December 14, 1943, there were 6 brigades from 29 detachments, as well as the Headquarters of the Central Operational Group. They numbered 3557 people (Russians - 2100, Crimean Tatars - 406, Ukrainians - 331, Belarusians - 23, other nationalities - 697). In the future, the number of partisan detachments began to increase.

During the offensive operation in the spring of 1944, they acted together with the Soviet troops liberating the Crimea ...

Gulnara Bekirova, Crimean historian, member of the Ukrainian PEN Club

Partisan movement in Crimea

Partisan and underground movement in Crimea

In the autumn of 1941, a resistance movement unfolded on the territory of Crimea, which became a response to the terror of the invaders. On October 23, by decision of the regional committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the Central Headquarters of the Partisan Movement in Crimea (TSSHPD) was formed, and A.V. was appointed commander of the partisan movement. Mokrousov. This choice was not random. During the Civil War, Mokrousov already led the Crimean partisans. S.V. became the commissioner of the TsSHPD. Martynov - Secretary of the Simferopol City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. The creation of partisan detachments began. For the convenience of operations, all detachments were distributed among partisan areas. In total, five such districts were created1. On October 30, 1941, the commander of the partisan movement, Mokrousov, issued his first order, which referred to the deployment of combat activities on enemy communications.

Crimea. Bekir Osmanov. Twice he was presented as a reconnaissance partisan to the Order of Lenin ...

Dedicated to the centenary of Seitbekir Osmanov
From left to right: Dzheppar Akimov, Bekir Osmanov (the founders of the National Movement of the Crimean Tatars), Mitrofan Zinchenko (former commander of the Sevastopol partisan detachment)

Seitbekir Osmanoglu - Osmanov Bekir Osmanovich - hard worker and warrior, thinker and creator. As long as our people are alive, their name is immortal. Our story is about him. We tell - the living and the dead. Memory speaks. Irresistible lines sound.

Bekir Osmanov was born on March 22, 1911 in the village of Buyuk-Ozenbash, located at the source of the Belbek River. His father, Osman Effendi, was a teacher at the Ozenbash Madrasah, one of the most enlightened people of that time in the Crimea and progressive people. In any case, Osman Efendi himself considered himself to have one of the most significant fortunes in the Crimea - scientific library in oriental languages, donated by his wife to the Bakhchisaray Museum in the 1920s.

Osman Efendi died in 1915. Mother - Hani Apte - taught girls in Ozenbash. There were 11 children in the family, but by the time of the revolution, four brothers remained alive: Yusuf, Muslim, Seitumer and Bekir, and a sister who died, however, on the wedding day. The family lived at the expense of hard peasant labor, having no other income. Already at the age of 7, Bekir and his brothers burned coal and took it to Yalta himself, exchanging it for flour from the local Greek confectioners. One day, the coal caught fire in the Mazhar. The seven-year-old boy did not lose his head, drove the horse to the stream, where he poured coal ...

Yu.B. Osmanov, “Osmanov Bekir Osmanovich. Some data for the biography»

The elder brother of Bekir Osmanovich Seitumer (1907), who lived in Tashkent, added to the above: “Seitbekir (as his father and mother called him) was a quiet, calm, inquisitive boy. His childhood years, like all of us, were difficult. After the death of the father, the mother was left with a bunch of children. There were five of us - children (four guys and one girl). The eldest - Yusuf was 16 years old, Muslim - 14 years old, and Seitbekir was only 6 years old. We had land. We had a cow, a horse, and a one-horse cart. Mother managed the house and garden, providing the family with vegetables. We all worked together, but it wasn't enough. The family was in constant need. Seitbekir helped his mother around the house and in the garden. He learned to cook early and spent his whole life willingly and skillfully doing it. Even when he visited us and noticed that chebureks were being prepared, he always took part ...

In childhood (at the age of 6 - 7 years) Bekir suffered a serious illness - smallpox. The high temperature persisted for a long time. He was on fire and delirious. We didn't expect him to recover.

Seitbekir constantly felt a craving for learning. And by the decision of the whole family, I took him through Yayla to Yalta, to the agricultural school Chair. At the Chair school, we were met by a representative of the Crimean Ministry of Education, Abdulla Kurkchi, who was then (1925) a well-known organizer of the education of the Crimean Tatars. I explained to him the purpose of our appearance at school. Abdula aga, having talked with his brother, answered literally the following: “You can consider that Seitbekir has been accepted into the Chair agricultural school and will be provided with everything necessary. You can safely return home and Buyuk-Ozenbash”… Then there was the Tobacco Breeding College in Yalta and the Agricultural Institute in Simferopol. All this was possible only thanks to the statehood of the Crimean Tatars - the Crimean ASSR"

From Seitumer Osmanov's letter to Areket

Yu.Osmanov continues the story about his father: “In the first year of the agricultural institute, the first arrest with the version of “Turkish spy” was being prepared for the massacre of brother Muslim, the deputy commissar of education of the Crimean ASSR. This vile performance was intended for this, which, however, failed within a few hours - Osmanov B., who was arrested at one in the morning, was already released at five in the morning - the thought that worked at lightning speed, iron will, determination and complete composure helped. The second "exam" came in 1937 - a trial for "counter-revolutionary activity", expressed by the definition of the director of the Toplinskaya breeding station, where Osmanov and his wife worked after the institute, that Osmanov in a scientific report concluded that T. Lysenko's theory of "Staging" to perennial crops. The Supreme Court of the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic rejected the arguments of the prosecution, determining that scientific disputes are not resolved in court ...

Somewhat earlier, Bekir Osmanov met the one who became the mother of his children and walked with him along the road of life, sharing both joys and troubles - Maria Vladimirovna Gushchinskaya. The elder brother Seitumer recalls this: “In 1935, Bekir married a fellow student, Maria, while still a student. Their modest wedding party took place in a house on the outskirts of Simferopol. In addition to me (a graduate student from Leningrad) and brother Muslim (then deputy minister of education of the Crimea), there were the mother and brother of the bride and several students - their comrades. The bride and groom prepared everything and served the guests. There were few people, but a lot of fun and joy. So Bekir and Maria got married for life.

Bekir Osmanov did not forget his native village. I rarely visited Ozenbash. Nobody lived in the house: the mother died, the brothers parted, where life called. There were villagers who often needed the help of a competent and courageous assistant - either to protest the illegal confiscation, or, on the contrary, to write down another fairy tale by the local folklorist Sofu. However, fairy tales were often composed by Bekir himself. Some of the tales that occupied listening to two or three evenings, he told many years later in the Uzbek exile. By the way, while studying at the institute, he played in the student theater, for which he wrote plays that were printed by students on a hectograph, naturally receiving a Krylit visa.

Y. Osmanov “Osmanov Bekir Osmanovich. Some data for the biography»

Before the start of the war, the Osmanov family had two children, the eldest, Tamila, and the younger Yuri, who was born on the eve of the Great Patriotic War- 1.04.1941

A little more than a month remained before the start of the war. As Yuri Bekirovich wrote about that time: “At a district meeting in May on the preparation of equipment, he (Bekir Osmanov - approx. “Areketa”) demanded to speed up the pace, saying that we should be ready to immediately harvest each crop, as if our fields did not soon turn into fields of war!

Who told you this nonsense?! - shouted after the meeting, white with anger, the district security officer. "Sober analysis" - was the answer. "But who allowed!" that one exploded. "Responsibility," was the answer.

He immediately went to the open combat training courses and learned how to accurately hit with a revolver and accurately “stack” grenades. This was very useful in the partisans: in all operations, the first blow with an anti-tank grenade on the engine was always trusted to him. Accurate vision helped the accuracy of the shooting: he could see the smoke of a cigarette against the background of green foliage at a distance of more than a kilometer. He knew that they would not take him into the army - "an oblique heart", frequent attacks. After a skirmish with a district security officer, he was also not taken to the fighter battalion.

At the time of the relocation of the extermination battalion to the forest (by the way, the grossest mistake in the organization of the movement, since the extermination - a military formation could not be transferred by order to a voluntary - partisan detachment, where they go at the call of the heart, internally ripe for such a responsible step) Osmanov B., in- first, he became a candidate for the party, and secondly, he demanded from the commissar, exterminator Nezhmedinov, to give him, Osmanov, an order: "to deliver a radio to the forest." "Why?" asked the commissioner. “Because you probably didn’t take care of it, and in the conditions of a catastrophic retreat of the troops and in the absence of information from Moscow among the people, if panic doesn’t start, then morale will be suppressed.” - "But, where will you get a walkie-talkie?" - "This should not interest you" - But the deployment of the detachment is a military secret! "Well, leave it with you, for failure to comply with the order, I will be responsible." - "Consider that you received an order."

Having dismantled the Albatsky radio center (having requested the sanction of the bewildered secretary of the district committee Comrade Chernoy by phone), Osmanov delivered a walkie-talkie, battery, generator, receivers to the forest and, if I am not mistaken, these days the partisans were already listening to information about the battles near Yelnya.

Osmanov Bekir fought in the Kuibyshev partisan detachment, which was defeated by the Germans in mid-November 1941. Then the partisan activity of B. Osmanov took place mainly as part of the Sevastopol detachment. As Yuri Bekirovich recalled, his father described the death of the Kuibyshev detachment in an essay at the request of General Saburov in 1957, as well as in an oral story "accidentally recorded on tape in 1973." Further, the son continues about his father “then he fought in the Akmechet and Sevastopol detachments. Scout. Carried out reconnaissance on the instructions of the Crimean headquarters and TsShPD in Moscow. One of the seven tasks of Moscow was the “sea operation” (for the first time it was mentioned in the book by A. Basov “Crimea during the Second World War”) - for many years they could not find documents about it, and there could be no memories - the entire development and conduct of the operation was produced by Osmanov himself. Another major operation of this kind is the attack on German column moving towards Sevastopol. In one and a half dozen points - also described by Osmanov in the mentioned essay.

The older brother Seitumer, himself a participant in the partisan movement in the Crimea, recalls: “In 1941 and 1942, the name of the partisan Seitbekir was widely known. The Germans organized a hunt for him. But Seitbekir proved to be elusive. The miracle of Seitbekir's elusiveness is very simple. Bekir knew the area well - the mountains and forests of the Southern Crimea. In addition, Bekir was well known to the local population, who supported him. He lived and acted among his own, defended their interests. As an example, in early January 1942, Seitbekir and I met at the house of Barash Dzhelil in the center of Buyuk-Ozenbash. There were German and Romanian soldiers in 15-20 places from this house. We talked quietly from about the middle of the night until dawn.

Yu. Osmanov will continue the story in more detail about the “sea operation”:
"In October 1942. Bekir Osmanov, having carried out a deep reconnaissance, along the route he developed, led a group (about a hundred people of the party and Soviet activists who were in the partisans) to the sea. This operation failed several times, for which, according to the laws of war, the blame was placed on the scout. The initiative of another attempt (although everything was kept in the strictest confidence) belonged to Osmanov. When entering the place, coinciding with the moment the boats approached, the enemy discovered the operation by opening heavy fire from all firing points. However, the group was prudently placed in the "dead zone". The nervous tension was so great that the commander of the group (his authority began from the moment he was placed on the boats) H. Chussi, shouting "everything was lost" rushed to run. He was, however, followed only by the commissar. The rest did not succumb to panic and did not violate the regime of operation. Those who fled were given the opportunity to return and join the landing.

The place of the “sea operation” remained a mystery for many decades: evacuees, incl. Chussi, were simply not notified of either the place or the route. In 1957, the commander of the partisan movement, Seversky, asked his father to describe the operation and put it on a map, show it on the spot, but his father did not find it appropriate to do this then. Therefore, Seversky outlined the operation according to his (literary) legend, attributing it to the sailor of the Black Sea Fleet, who, according to him, was awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. Such operations are indeed celebrated in this way (for example, the rescue of the headquarters of the Yugoslav freedom movement Soviet pilots). A.V. Basov in his historical falsification “Crimea in the Second World War” (M.1987, p.216), relying on the archive of the Central Military District, restored the place and time of boarding the boats (Cape Kikeneiz, October 7, 1942), concealing and distorting that who performed the operation. By the way, the shells overturned the boats, some of the partisans drowned. Seven, including the Ottomans, having swum ashore, did not wait for the return of the boats - the delay (withdrawal) of the boats could have ended in the death of the operation. Osmanov Bekir led the partisans back into the forest, at the same time led the group of Major Ageev (about 40 people) who had fallen into the “mousetrap”.

According to certificate No. 9B-618 dated 05/06/1981. from the party archive of the Crimean Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine “Osmanov Bekir Osmanovich, 1911. birth, from November 1, 1941. listed as a political commissar of the group of the Sevastopol detachment of Crimean partisans. On October 26, 1942, he was evacuated to Sochi due to illness.

The son writes about the end of Bekir Osmanovich's partisan activities: “Having blown up by a mine, in a serious condition, Osmanov was taken to the mainland by plane, for a long time he lay in a hospital in Sukhumi. The left hand hung with a whip - a fragment was sitting in a nerve. During the recovery period, he was sent to the Agdam region of the AzSSR to the family evacuated there, then to Krasnodar, where the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was located. During the liberation of Crimea, he was appointed the first deputy commissar of agriculture and managed to draw up a plan for a 20-year restoration and development Agriculture Crimea".

Attempts to discredit and repress Bekir Osmanov were also made during the war. “Even in the partisan forest, secret orders were issued several times to liquidate it. In the false, provocative book by I. Vergasov "In the mountains of Tavria" he is depicted German spy and shot. (The issue was discussed in the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1957, the book has been redone.

From a letter to a member of the Politburo, Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Ligachev E.K. and Chairman of the State Commission A.A. Gromyko, sent on 12.08.198 7g. children of Bekir Osmanov: Yuri, Tamila and Artem.

Yuri Osmanov recalled this in more detail (according to his father):
“During the period of being in the forest, a secret order was given three times to shoot Osmanov B.O.

Once to Kalashnikov, the commander of the Akmechet detachment, who could not (did not want to) fulfill this order, because the detachment would inevitably fall into a trap and risk death. In such a situation, Kalashnikov apparently became an unwanted witness. According to the then favorite scheme, he was sent to work in the "underground" in his village, where before the war he was a party worker, known to every child as a partisan civil war; was immediately captured and hanged.

According to the second order, he was to be shot during the “sea operation”. The order failed for the same reason. Those who gave the order had a poor idea, apparently, of the impossibility of carrying out the operation without a scout until the very last moment - landing on boats.

The third order was given to Mitrofan Nikitich Zinchenko, the commander of the Sevastopol partisan detachment, who refused to comply with it and warned that anyone who tried to comply with such an order would be killed. In retaliation, Zinchenko was sent to an operation in which, according to the customers, he was supposed to die - to Romania.

Remembering his younger brother, Seitumer Osmanovich emphasized:
"He was legendary scout, politician, closely associated with the local population of the temporarily occupied areas, conducted intelligible anti-fascist agitation among compatriots. He knew how to convince people, enjoyed the help and full support of the local population. What Bekir Osmanovich did was much more than other commanders and commissars sent from the mainland did. Having joined the partisan movement, he did not pass the NKVD filter before. I know it well."

On May 18, 1944, together with the people, Bekir Osmanov was herded into cattle trains and arrived at the place of deportation to the Buttermilk Uchun Kurash collective farm. Later he achieved a transfer to where the family was - to a state farm near Fergana. From the first moment to the last breath, he joined the nationwide resistance to arbitrariness - in the struggle for an organized (i.e. state) return of the people to Crimea with compact settlement in places of historical residence, for the restoration of the Crimean ASSR. He was subjected to furious and vicious harassment by false authorities under various pretexts: another "criminal", economic case or a political farce. But all the cases failed due to his crystal honesty and high management skills, as well as the high political level of the national movement.

Seytumer Osmanov recalls: “The variety testing site in Uzbekistan, where B. Osmanov worked, was subordinate to the USSR Ministry of Agriculture. The results of Bekir Osmanovich's work were excellent, so the Uzbek authorities could not remove him from work. They could not deprive the plot of water, because there was a state limit. This circumstance allowed Bekir Osmanovich, participating in the national movement, to keep his job. Bekir aga was a high-class agronomist with a wide profile: a tobacco grower, a vegetable grower, a viticulturist and winemaker, a specialist in fruit and berry crops. On the site, he created and equipped a laboratory for winemaking. One example: by order of the Ministry of Agriculture of the USSR of 17.08.1976. (when Osmanov B. lived already in the village of Dmitrovo, Simferopol region), he was recognized as the author of the varieties of pears "Tauride", "Golden", "Domestic" and "Dessert" with the issuance of copyright certificates.

“From 1961 to 1975. he was the head of the Gossortouchastka - a scientific farm, completely economically independent on 62 hectares of land leased from the collective farm and operating in existing system economic relations in equal terms of credit, supply, etc. Only the peach orchard is indicative. For 15 years of management, starting from a complete "zero" (the site was organized on a scorched rocky desert). This orchard yielded 94 crops of collective farm orchards in the Ferghana Valley, calculated per hectare. At the same time, it should be taken into account that the GSU was not a commodity economy - it was scientific institution, which as a result scientific work invariably ranked first among the GSU of the pebble zone of the country. It should be said that I had to work in conditions of hard pressure from the administrative-command system.

Y. Osmanov. Osmanov Bekir Osmanovich. Some data for the biography»

Bekir Osmanov was deeply indifferent to awards, honors and "trinkets", he was a stranger to vanity. Looking ahead, here is just one example. Tells Kemal Kuku, who last met with Bekir Osmanovich in August 1978 in the Crimea in the village. Dmitrovo:

“With my wife and son, we specially drove to Bekir aga while in the Crimea. We talked, of course, mainly about the situation of the people and the problems facing the national movement. Bekir aga told me: “These dogs (meaning the punitive organs) do not leave me alone. Not so long ago, they called the KGB and said that my awards were found, they offered me to pick them up. “Further on, Bekir Osmanovich told how he answered them: “Since when has the KGB presented awards to participants in the war. Until now, as I know, this is the competence of military enlistment offices. Why did you call me? For me to take the awards from your hands? It was easy for you to want to trade me!” After that, he got up and left ... By the way, I also know another episode - immediately after the liberation of the Crimea, in April 1944, Bekir aga saw documents that he was twice presented as a reconnaissance partisan to the Order of Lenin. And both times, the first secretary of the Crimean regional committee, Vladimir Bulatov, did not give way to these ideas.

B. Osmanov was a model of a man of duty. His role in the formation and development of the national movement in 1956-1980 can hardly be overestimated. Thanks to him, hundreds of people came to the Movement and selflessly participated in it. His signature stands under thousands of documents, appeals of the National Movement of the Crimean Tatars, letters demanding the restoration of the national equality of the Crimean Tatars.

In 1966, he, who joined the party in January 1942 in the partisan forest, was expelled from the CPSU. An exception was made at the bureau of the regional committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan against the will of the primary party organization. The reason for the exclusion was a letter from Y. Osmanov addressed to L.I. Brezhnev. on the problem of restoring the national equality of the Crimean Tatars. This letter was one of the deepest and most brilliant documents on the national question of the Crimean Tatars. It combined a historical approach with a theoretical analysis of the anti-socialist concepts of strategy adopted by the party leadership since the 1940s.

A heavy blow for Bekir Osmanov was the sudden death of his wife, Maria Vladimirovna, in 1974. She was known, respected and loved by thousands of Crimean Tatars. As Seitumer Osmanov recalls: “I met Maria Vladimirovna only a few times, but I still remember her as a person of high moral standards ... I arrived at her funeral from Nukus. Immediately struck by the fact that it was buried by the Crimean Tatars. The funeral procession stopped on the outskirts of Ferghana. The dead woman was removed from the car and on a large sheet the Crimean Tatars carried her in their arms to the cemetery, to the grave.”

“Unable to remain in a hateful exile, crushed by grief, sick, Osmanov B.O. leaves for the Crimea, where for a year and a half he cannot register in his own house, bought in the village. Dmitrovo. For almost the last 9 years of his life, he fought a hard struggle for his existence. He died in May 1983, virtually without medical care, ”Yuri Bekirovich recalled.

Joint life path Bekir Osmanovich and Maria Vladimirovna is a special story, a bright and piercing story of two loving hearts, father and mother, comrades-in-arms in the struggle, who gave Yuri Osmanov to the people:

I see the bright face of Jebbar,
Ozenbasha's son - Bekir
Yuri is the son of Bekir, a light,
Warrior, true seraskir...
S. Emin, Bakhchisarai

To the son, who was serving his first term of imprisonment for upholding the trampled rights of the people, the father and mother in letters informed and transferred new forces:

“You must meet the difficult reality that has befallen you seriously, calmly and deeply meaningfully. We are always with you, my son. Thoughts, ideas, convictions, and reason and conscience have never been slaves of violence... You and I, like many others, are not on this path. And there is no doubt that the right path was chosen ... My son, my friend, you and I never dreamed of a calm, quiet life ... I am sure that the light will penetrate where you are today, and it will all pass like a bad bad dream : after all, we are with you, the truth is with us ... ".

From a letter from B. Osmanov to his son Yuri, 01/27/1968

"Dear Yuri. Every day I wait for you. Everything seems to me that you are knocking on the door. Because the fact that you are there seems so monstrous to me that I just can’t get used to this idea. Dear son! .. Your whole conscious life, all your work and actions speak of loyalty to your Motherland ... ".

From a letter from M. Gushchinskaya to her son on January 30, 1968
The son kept these letters and treasured them for many years.

After his father and mother passed away, Yuri until the end of his days experienced an orphan feeling of loneliness and a huge irreparable loss. It seeps through many of his poetic lines.

Like, for example, these are about those who gave him life:

Somewhere everything went back:
One and then a little - the second,
Three countries lie between them.
Graves - both somewhere in May!
And there, behind them, how light,
How bountiful joy was!
And the thought of a powerful brow,
And pure thoughts joy,
Shower unique unison
And nobility feat of arms
Do not repeat the magical dream
And don't go back into it

In a letter to his daughter and granddaughter (08/07/1975), Bekir Osmanov secretly wrote the following: “After all, you know very well that my life is behind me. I can't go to the horizon. Halt soon. I have no doubt that I went all the way with full observance of the norms of life ... It seems to me that a great and good reward in a person’s personal life is how it was understood, recognized and noted, and in that sense of self-understanding when the heart passes an exam before the mind with an assessment of "all possibilities have been exhausted." Usually this voice is heard only by the mind. This inaudible voice is the brightest radiance of a pure conscience.

And it seems to me that when the path ends and the light goes out, in the last fractions of a moment in the mirrors of life, a signal glow “all possibilities have been exhausted” is lit. Life does not spoil everyone with such an award. Is this a reward?
Yet many are rewarded. This is the highest destiny of satisfaction - a sense of pride in one's own conscience that everything possible has been done. It is impossible to deceive yourself. This is the truth of conscience ... ".

Bekir Osmanov, whose centenary we are celebrating these days, was, is and, undoubtedly, will continue to be an amazing example of life, completely given to society, to the people. As a hero of the spirit, a man of "long will", a deep and penetrating mind, as a son of his people, selflessly fighting for the restoration of their national equality in native land, he remained in the memory of the people for centuries. He is alive in countless lines of documents of the national movement, which are the fruit of his irreconcilable conscience and pure thoughts, an indestructible dream to see his people happy again in his native land. In our prayers to the Creator, remembering Bekir Osmanov, we ask for him: “Rahmet olsun janyn!”.

Asan KHURSHUTOV,
Kenesh member Milli Firka, Yalta http://milli-firka.org/%D1%81%D1%82%D0%BE%D0%BB%D0...D0%BE%D1%81%D0%B2 %D1%8F%D1%89/
Bekir Osmanov, Mustafa Selimov, Refat Mustafayev - these and other names of the heroes of the Crimean partisan movement are well known. However, from the very beginning of the war, the partisan command of the Crimea, in order to justify their failures, deliberately spread the opinion that the local population of the peninsula was hostile to the partisans. Only on November 18, 1942, the Resolution of the CPSU (b) was adopted, refuting this lie.

Back in 1942, the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks recognized the accusation of the Crimean Tatars of complicity with the Nazis as a mistake

SELIMOV MUSTAFA VEYISOVICH

Also in youth I heard the name Selimov, always pronounced with special reverence. Remembering the deportation, the echelons noted that in our echelon there was a government car in which Mustafa Selimov rode. For some reason, I then believed that Selimov in the Crimea was the most important among the Crimean Tatars. I did not join a pioneer organization, but the older people around me, respected and revered by me, were mostly communists. As a child, I heard from them about the Crimean ASSR and its creator V.I. Lenin, about whom they always spoke with special reverence and admiration. Also, when the conversation touched on the situation of the people, the past and hopes for a better future, they uttered the name of Mustafa Selimov. So in my childhood I got the impression that Mustafa Selimov, for our people, is equivalent to Lenin.

Already in 1955, when I started working at school and the elders began to perceive me as an interlocutor, I learned that Mustafa aga was the secretary of the Yalta district party committee and during the war the commissar of the Southern Union of Crimean partisans. I received more complete information in 1959, when Dzheppar-Odzha gave me a bound collection of documents from the first stage of the national movement, trips to Moscow and Kyiv, past receptions, the composition of our representatives and their speeches. In conversations, it was always emphasized that Mustafa Selimov was with them. From these conversations, I formed an image outstanding person, for us equal to Lenin. Dzheppar Akimovich himself is a holy man, a thoughtful intellectual, who enjoyed great authority among everyone I knew, always spoke with special reverence about Mustafa Veyisovich Selimov, and I dreamed of meeting him, as probably many dreamed of meeting their idol or genius. He envied the people around him and able to meet and talk.

After the earthquake in Tashkent on April 26, 1966, some people left the danger zone. Apartments with small cracks in the walls were vacated. Thanks to this, I received a two-room apartment in the village of the Tashavtomash plant, Ordzhonikidzevsky district, which was part of the service area of ​​our Specialized Construction Administration. I immediately got acquainted with comrades Riza-agya Umerov and Asan Ibrish, who had lagged behind for life. He went to work in the UNR 227 as the deputy head of the VET. Appeared free time, which I devoted entirely to the national movement, together with Riza-aga and Asan. Our site was directly the village of Tashavtomash, agricultural "Durmen", agricultural Kibray with all branches, Ulugbek, the village of SoyuzNIHI and the village. Lunacharskoe. More precisely, the entire Ordzhonikidzevsky district of the Tashkent region. Moreover, each of these large regions had its own active, enterprising young and senior responsible persons. I don’t remember exactly on what occasion Riza Umerov’s “duva” prayer service was, and suddenly, quite unexpectedly for me, an intelligent man of strong build with a fragile-looking woman enters the courtyard before the rest of the invitees, and turning to Rize-aga says: “Well, command, how can I help you". Ria-aga immediately fussed and led them to the terrace, called his wife: "Fatima, agan keldy, azyrla sofran." “Men evelje yardymga keldym,” Mustafa answered - yes, and let his wife, Aunt Meryem, onto the terrace. It turned out that he was the brother of Fatima - apte Selimova - Riza's wife - yeah. Until now, just close my eyes and remember him. Before me rises his unforgettable image. A well-groomed elegant man who creates a special aura around him is fit, strong, athletic, reeking of health. Especially impressive are his always laughing unique, captivating and understanding sparkling eyes. So suddenly and unexpectedly happened my first acquaintance with this amazing man who stood at the heart of the national movement and served his people until the end of his days. Since 1970, our group, which began its work among the communists and the intelligentsia of our people, in order to increase their activation and inclusion in the national movement during the recession, directly worked on ideological and strategic problems and tasks under the patronage of Mustafa Selimov.

He was our ideologue, and all our actions, letters, trips, etc. we always agreed with him until his death in Moscow during the operation on October 14, 1985. He turned out to be easy to handle, and, based on the actual experience of age and position, he never tried to show this difference to his interlocutor, respecting the opinions of others, talking to everyone as an equal. Subsequently, I began to enter their house and even drank exceptional, personally caring for them, starting from bushes grown in the yard, ending with the production of special quality wine.

Here are a number of documents confirming the special role of Mustafa Selimov in the national movement of the Crimean Tatars and the messages of the KGB of Ukraine to the Central Committee of Ukraine published in recent times in Kyiv.

Delegation of communists, WWII veterans in Moscow. August 1957

In the first row, fourth from the left, Twice Hero of the USSR Amet-Khan Sultan

In the second row, Mustafa Selimov, fifth from the left

« In a memorandum № 1/545* dated September 27 this year (1956), we reported to you about the received intelligence data on the behavior of the Crimean Tatars, in particular, about the unification of the Tatar Crimean intelligentsia to fight for the return of the Crimea to the Tatars and the “centers” allegedly created by them for this purpose in the cities of Odessa and Tashkent.

By checking these data through the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the Uzbek SSR, it was established that the Crimean Tatar Selimov Mustafa, together with Aladinov Shamil, Murtazaev Veli ..., Bolat Yusuf and others, really formed an unofficial group (the so-called "Headquarters"), which seeks the publishing of newspapers on Tatar language, organization of national schools, theater. They demand permission for Crimean Tatars to travel to Crimea and return their property left in Crimea. They are trying to persuade the Crimean Tatars to go to the Crimea without permission and seize their former property from the new owners.

In March of this year. this group sent a letter to the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU demanding that the Crimean Tatars be restored to their former position.

In September of this year. Selimov traveled to Moscow in order to, together with Asanov (mentioned in our memorandum), Gafarov and others living there, remind the relevant authorities of the requirements set forth in the letter mentioned above.

At the same time, Selimov and Gafarov visited the writer A. Perventsev 28 , from whom they demanded a letter refuting the facts set forth in his novel "Honor from a Young Man" 29 about the betrayal of some Crimean Tatars during the Patriotic War. At the same time, they tried to intimidate PERVENTSEV, declaring that if he did not write such a letter, he would "regret".

At present, the same group is preparing a letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine with a request to assist the Crimean Tatars to return to permanent residence in Crimea.

Asanov (Moscow) and other persons residing outside of Uzbekistan are participating in the preparation of this letter.

In their letter, they express their readiness to continue seeking the return of their national autonomy, declaring that “this dream will always haunt them until they set foot on Crimean land”*. YES Sat Decorate. - F. 2. - Op. 2 (1959). - Por. 9. - Ark. 251-252. Original. Document in the funds of the Sovereign Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine is visible.

Many of the Crimean Tatars refused to put their signatures under this document, and 233 people made inscriptions on the back demanding the return of confiscated property to them and permission to leave for residence in Crimea.

Subsequently, such sentiments among a certain part of the Crimean Tatars began to be supported and systematically inflamed by a group of people who in the past held responsible and leading positions in Crimea.

This inflammatory activity has intensified every year, becoming more open and persistent.

Gradually, the leading core of the Tatar movement began to form, the so-called initiative group, which included the most active supporters of the idea of ​​returning the Tatars to the Crimea and granting them national autonomy.

Such persons include:

Selimov Mustafa Veisovich, 1914 ( doc. fact 1910) year of birth, member of the CPSU
since 1931, former secretary of the Yalta city party committee and commissar of the Southern Union of Crimean partisans. He works as a deputy director of the Tashkent Institute "Uzgiprovodkhoz".

Murtazaev Veliulla, born in 1900, member of the CPSU, former secretary of the Bakhchisaray district party committee, lives in the city of Samarkand.

Umerov Bekir, born in 1900, member of the CPSU, former party worker, personal pensioner, lives in the city of Samarkand.

Osmanov Bekir Osmanovich, born in 1911, former partisan, expelled from the party in December 1966 for active incitement among the Tatars, slander and falsification of facts. Lives in the city of Fergana.

Gafarov Ablyakim Selimovich, born in 1907, member
CPSU, former head of the Department of the Polymer Industry
of the state chemical plant under the Council of Ministers of the USSR, lives in the city of Mos
que. - Alyadinov Shamil Seitovich, member of the CPSU, Tatar writer, in the past held a responsible post in the Crimea, lives in the city of Tashkent.

After the issuance of the decree of April 28, 1956, the listed persons actively carried out inflammatory activities, incited nationalist sentiments among the Tatars, led the movement of the Tatars for the return to the Crimea and granting them autonomy.

Under their influence, similar "initiative groups" were created in a number of districts and cities of the republics of Central Asia, the Krasnodar Territory and some regions of the Ukrainian SSR.

In August 1967, the Central Committee of the CPSU decided to remove the indiscriminate accusation from the Crimean Tatars of complicity with the Nazi invaders, in connection with which the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued a decree of September 5, 1967 "On citizens of Tatar nationality living in Crimea." YES Sat Ukraine. - F. 13. - Ref. 481. - Ark. 45-48. copy.

to the General Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU To members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU Comrade Suslov“In early April 1956, we, a group of communists from the Crimean Tatars, addressed the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU with a letter in which we outlined the circumstances under which the Crimean Tatar people were expelled, and what grave consequences this eviction of the people led to.

We ask you to resolve the issue of the Crimean Tatar people in the light of the decisions of the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the wills of V. I. Lenin on the national question.”

Members of the CPSU: /Refat Mustafayev/signature /Shamil Alyadipov/signature /Mustafa Selimoye/signature /Amet-Usni Penerdeyui/signature /Izmail Khairullayev/signature 7. 09. 56

Collection of documents and materials

After 1966, Mustafa-aga did not participate in public events, city, regional and republican meetings, with a large number of representatives from the field, but he gathered a narrow circle of leaders of the movement. Numerous memoirs of compatriots have been preserved about this.

Extensive material on the activities of Mustafa Selimov is in the collection of participants in the national movement "ADALET Qureshi Saflarynda" by Idris Chelebi-oglu Asanin. Telling about each member of the movement, events and connections with like-minded people, please note that Mustafa Selimov is in the first place for everyone.

Aider Mustafaev recalls that back in 1953 or 54 after the death of Stalin,

Mustafa Selimov, taking advantage of the fact that he was released from commandant supervision back in 1945, traveled to the regions of Uzbekistan and established contacts with his reliable comrades in partisan struggle and party work, participants in the Second World War.

Valuable memories were left by Ifta Dzhemilev that back in 1954 M. Selimov organized individual letters from the former leading workers of the Crimea to the Central Committee of the CPSU. Recalling later on the meeting at the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan, in particular, he notes that on September 14 a letter was sent to N. Mukhitdinov signed by 14 party members and on December 6 they were received by N. Mukhitdinov.

The first to speak for 35 minutes was M. Selimov, who said at the end: "We will fight for our right until the goal is fully achieved." (Adalet vol. I. p. 207.), the second Shamil Alyadin, and the third Veliulla Murtazaev and M. Selimov insisted on the next meeting with a large number of party members from among the Crimean Tatars. The organizers of the second meeting were M. Selimov, Sh. Alyadin, I. Khairullaev, U. Penirdzhi. And after the meeting, which was attended by 107 communists, it was decided to create initiative groups in all places where our people live. It was decided to prepare an Appeal to the Central Committee of the CPSU for work with the population, outlining not only the political and constitutional rights of the people, including historical reference, the participation of the people in the Second World War, as well as the victims suffered in the war and as a result of expulsion, at the same time the goal of which was to educate the people in the struggle for their rights. M. Selimov, Sh. Alyadin, Yu. Bolat, Dzheppar Akimov were elected as executive editors. The elders and creators of the Crimean Tatar national movement developed the basic principles and demands of the people:

Organized return home - Crimea,

Restoration of the liquidated Crimean autonomy,

Create all conditions for the normal life of the Crimean Tatar and other peoples living in Crimea.

In the summer of 1957, from July 27 to September 2, a delegation led by Mustafa Selimov, consisting of Refat Mustafaev, Veliulla Murtazaev, Dzheppar Akimov, Shamil Alyadin, Bekir Osmanov, Ilyas Mustafaev, Izzet Seferov, Seitumer Emin, Zelikha Niyazieva-Kermenchikli, was in Moscow they were joined by Suleiman Asanov, Zeitulla Ablyakimov, Amet Khan-Sultan, Midat ​​Selimov and Ramazan Ibraimov from Leningrad

We visited the Writers' Union of the USSR, where they protested against the books by A. Perventsev and Vergasov. We went to Kyiv in two cars, where we met with Kovpak.

On September 2, they were received at the Central Committee from the propaganda department by V. Gromov, who, as a result of the conversation, declared: “Comrades, understand the Crimea is not the Kalmyk steppes.”

Idris Asanin himself recalls how he, together with Eshref Shemi-zade, Bekir Umerov, Dzheppar Akimov and Fazyl Ametov, went to Mustafa Selimov.

He believed that he was given great confidence to be present in this narrow circle, where the tactical and strategic tasks of the national movement were solved. Adaleth volume I.p.126.

The KGB under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR [for] No. 320 * dated August 27, 1975 reported to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine: “On the intensification of anti-social activities of the Crimean Tatar “autonomists” in connection with the upcoming XXV Congress of the CPSU.

According to operational data, the leaders of the "autonomists" Veli Suleiman, Godzhenov Refat, Muratov Abdurashit and others living in Uzbekistan have recently collected signatures among the Tatars under documents prepared for authorities and intend to send their "representatives" to Moscow with them.

In addition, it became known that Crimean Tatar “autonomists” who do not manifest themselves as extremists are preparing some kind of “appeal” to the authorities on behalf of a group of Tatars and are raising funds to send this “appeal” in October this year. representatives to Moscow. Some "autonomists", referring to the documents of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, declare that if the 25th Congress of the CPSU does not satisfy their requests, they will turn to international organizations on this issue.

Reported to the KGB under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. YES SB Ukraine. - F. 16. - Op. 7 (1985). - Ref. 17. - Ark. 48-49. Original.

Sheet to the activists of the Crimean Tatar people To the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU L.I. Brezhnev and all members and candidates for membership in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for the sake of developing the national nutrition of the Crimean Tatars Veresen 1975.

“31 years have passed since the Crimean Tatar people were expelled from their historical homeland of Crimea... Our veterans turned to you with hope before the 30th anniversary of the Victory. We are approached with a similar question and our compatriots. What can we say to them? In this regard, we bring to the attention of party and state authorities the deepest aspirations of our compatriots to return to their national homeland - Crimea. Thus, more than 500 Crimean Tatar communists in November 1972 turned to a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan, comrade. RASHIDOV Sh.R. Our people did not receive a response to this appeal from the communists.

In support of the communists, the Crimean Tatar people in November 1973 appealed to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, which stated: “The interests of further strengthening the friendship of the Soviet peoples and nationalities, the Leninist formulation of the national question in the USSR, the current situation of our people, require the speedy return of the Crimean Tatars to their national homeland - Crimea and restoration of equal rights with all peoples and nationalities living in the USSR.

The signatories indicated 24 prominent communists of our people as their trusted representatives. There was no response to this request either. More than 1100 voters did not receive a response to their appeal, transmitted to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR through their deputy Enver Aliyev, who personally submitted it with his cover letter on December 14, 1973 to the commission addressed to the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Comrade N. Podgorny.

The appeal remains unanswered to this day. famous people of the Crimean Tatar people, which, with signatures in September 1974, was sent personally to each of you, a member and candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. In all the above appeals, our compatriots raise one question, to return the Crimean Tatar people to their national homeland - Crimea.

At the request and instruction of our compatriots, we gave our consent to be their representatives in bringing and raising the issue of returning to our homeland, before the party and state authorities .. To this day, we have not received a response to any of the submitted appeals from any of the addressees. In violation of the Decree of the PVS of the USSR of April 12, 1968, according to which the authorities are obliged to respond to the proposals and applications of citizens within one month.

Our compatriots and we, the authorized representatives indicated under the appeals, appeal to you with the greatest request to positively decide the fate of our people, return them to their national homeland - Crimea.

Abdurakhmanov Uzeir; Aliyev Enver; Alyadinov Shamil; Ametov Kadyr; Ablaev Enver; Bilyalov Nafe; Vagapov Osman; Veli Suleiman; Godzhenov Refat; Dzhemilev Sefersha;

Jivan Ismail; Islyamov Abselyam; Izmailov Ibraim; Kasimov Yagya; Kalafatov Enver; Kamilov Amet; Mustafaev Osman; Mustafaev Refat; Omerov Server; Ramazanov Ibraim;

Selimov Midat; Selimov Mustafa; Seitov Yakub; Bekir died; Umerov Ablyamit; Useinov Rasim; Tairov Seitmemet; Khalilov Edem; Chalbash Khalil; Eminov Ruslan*.

YES SB Ukraine. - F. 16. - Op. 7 (1985). - Ref. 17. Ark. 55-59. Certified copy

HEADING "Milliy areket KGB nin kozlerinen" Informational message of the intercessor of the head of the KDB under the Republic of Moldova of the URSR S. Mukha to the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine V. Shcherbitsky about the choice of signing among the Crimean Tatars to turn the Crimean Tatar people to their Batkivshchyna. M. Kiev 12 spring 1975

Twenty-two of these representatives signed the appeal.

Ibraim Ramaanov fell ill and could not come to Kyiv, where, according to the agreement, he had to sign, we did not find Ismail Jivan. Aliev Enver made a personal deputy request, according to which we were summoned to the Tashkent Regional Communist Party. Tairov Seitmemet sent with his deputy's request, sent by me to him, the statements that came to my address from the Crimea. Omerov Server helped to purchase a Moskvich car out of turn. Dzhemilev Mustafa was erroneously entered into the list of the KGB of Ukraine, was proposed by the signing communists as a representative of the former chief agronomist of the Crimea, the communist Sefersha Dzhemilev, he signed the appeal and worked with us; helped in collecting signatures from the communists and the intelligentsia of Samarkand. I have the original signed by the others. A scanned copy is attached. The signatories were active promoters of the events indicated in the published appeal. Of the older generation, Suleiman Veli was the most active, never tired, energetic and purposeful. Among the intelligentsia, Umerov Ablyamit, an artist of "Haytarma", an entertainer, helped and went to Moscow. The restless Lieutenant Colonel Khalil Chalbash went to the polling stations and worked with compatriots who had left for the Crimea. Edem Khalilev, responsible for Yangiyul and the region, actively participated in all events. Despite his advanced age, Bekir Umerov did not lag behind in activity. But as it should be, the young, nominated by representatives of the communists and the intelligentsia, not only did not lag behind the older generation, but also put forward their own initiatives and put them into practice themselves. In the process common work we, the young, met and consulted with Mustafa Veyisovich out of necessity, because the main work fell on the young.

Having started working with the communists and the intelligentsia, in view of the start, after a series of trials and the departure of part of the active "initiators" outside Uzbekistan, we had to expand our activities to all areas and, if possible, to our entire densely populated population. The arguments in the press that a split has taken place in the national movement have no real basis.

The main movement was based on work with the population. Individuals are not satisfied with this painstaking work, designed to constantly disturb the population with the problems of returning to their homeland in Crimea, restoring its constitutional equality. Mustafa Veyisovich believed and inspired us that the solution of our national question mainly and primarily depends on our people. Therefore, it is necessary to work persistently among the people, to regularly remind of the homeland of national dignity, which can be preserved only by returning to the homeland in the Crimea and there can be no other homeland, neither in Jizzakh, nor in Mubarek. Meetings should be the method of work at the polling stations, when they gather, breaking away from work, and talk on the topic of the homeland, not only interest appears, but patriotism is also brought up. It is necessary to use legal opportunities, one of the most acceptable is the collection of signatures for appeals to the Party Central Committee. People gather to get acquainted with the appeal and its discussion, which does not contradict the laws and cannot be prohibited. Therefore, appeals must be sustained, for the leadership of the Central Committee, the issue of the Crimean Tatars is well known and not new. We need to make appeals, using any occasion, anniversary, etc. the main thing is not to let the people relax, forget and take root. The contents of the appeals should have information for the people, for their education, and are addressed to the Central Committee, and not contain politically incoherent expressions, clues that could attract activists to the dock.

He warned that it was impossible to glorify some of our comrades who were not self-possessed, who had departed from the main painstaking work, with sharp attacks that attracted the attention of the authorities and were subjected to trial.

Of course, in such a vast, nationwide, democratically built movement of people, with different characters, different educational and intellectual level, it is impossible to force them to obey a single rule, especially with a long-drawn-out process. Of course, there are people who, out of despair, are ready to throw out their emotions, unable to withstand long, painstaking daily work, not seeing the result, not hoping for a result, they took individual actions, believing in this way to influence the solution of the problem under the pressure of external forces. These actions were never initiated by the leaders of the movement and were not encouraged. This is confirmed by the published reports of the KGB of Ukraine to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. These are the laws of any long struggle. Persistent, persistent, patient fighters who are psychologically ready for a long distance remain in the ranks.

Therefore, it is necessary to consider the national movement in everyday work with the people at the polling stations, and not in the past. litigation. This is probably what unbiased historians will do in the future. A national movement, a popular movement, and not attacks by individuals. It itself does not arise and does not live without constant nourishment and the work of its driving mechanisms. Any movement is damped in a resisting medium, without a constantly acting driving force. No specific mechanism. You need to study the whole mechanism and its driving force, and not just breakdowns, accidents - litigation.

But this is beyond the scope of this review of the role of Mustafa Veyisovich Selimov in the national movement.

Communists and intellectuals signed after they made sure that the letter was signed by Mustafa Selimov and the address filled in with his own hand. The authority of Mustafa Selimov among all the Crimean Tatars was the highest. His personal case on expulsion from the ranks of the CPSU in December 1966 "for active incitement among the Tatars, slander and falsification of facts" was considered in the primary cell of SoyuzNIHI, after he was supported by all members of the cell, the case was postponed.

The attitude towards active communists of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan is illustrated by a fragment from the report of the first secretary of the Tashkent OK KPuz Gulamov: "... individual nationalists from among the former leading workers of the Crimea, hungry for power, pursuing careerist goals, against the will and desire of the Tatar population, playing with the fate of the working Tatars, stir up nationalist feelings of returning to Crimea. These persons, secretly from the party organizations, fabricate and, through pressure, collect signatures under possible statements, collect money and embezzle collected funds cashing in on it. These people are trying to increase their influence on the Tatar youth by spreading nationalistic appeals among them.

We must mercilessly, regardless of faces, expose these dirty provocateurs who encroach on the most sacred thing - the friendship of peoples"Shorthand of the XI plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan. February 2 - 3, 1960.

But then in 1975, the question arose again of considering the personal case of a member of the CPSU and it was already considered in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan, but even there, despite all the attempts of the representatives "from above", the assembled members of the CPSU considered it possible to confine themselves to a warning. This was due to the activation of members of the CPSU from among the Crimean Tatars and the intelligentsia.

Links, forced relocations have been practiced for a long time. Recent examples are the settlement of the Kuban, the North Caucasus and Siberia in Russian Empire. Australia was also settled by the British. In all cases, the exiled and resettled were fixed in new places. The return of the deported peoples of the Caucasus and the Kalmyks was carried out by the state with the allocation of not only funds, but transport (one car for two families). But also construction for returning new houses and settlements. Restoration of their statehood at the legislative level. All content on the site:

In this regard, Mustafa Veyisovich Selimov defined the main goal of the movement as work among our population. The idea of ​​belonging to a single nation, the idea of ​​preserving the people and the idea of ​​the inseparable connection of the people with its cradle, where only the revival of statehood is possible, and the acquisition of true equality and human dignity.

And appeals - petitions should be only a form of work, directed mainly not to the state, but to the education of the people, their enlightenment, the necessary charge of patriotism.

Izet Izedinov, Osman Mustafayev, I visited our writer Shamil Alyadin for several days at his house and at the writers' dacha in Durmen, with the aim of recording his memoirs on a tape recorder. He agreed and shared his memories of the birth of the national movement and those who stood at its origins.

According to the memoirs of Shamil-aga, Mustafa Selimov was the father of the movement, and Shamil Alyadin, Yusuf Bolat were the direct initiators and guides with him, and Nuriddin Mukhitdinov, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan, played a very important role. The recording has been preserved and is at the disposal of Bekirov's Server.

I have the original signatures

Selimov Mustafa in the center

TO THE POLITBURO OF THE CC CPSU

“The Crimean Tatars at the turn of the 13th-19th centuries owned the entire Crimea and the northern regions of the former Tauride province numbered several million people,” (Newspaper “Life of Nationalities”, No. 21, for 1921)

The tsarist satraps raised the question of the expulsion of all Crimean Tatars from Crimea and the transformation of the Territory into a purely Russian one for Catherine II. But her resolution on the document read - "Civilized Europe - this will not forgive us" and she recommended that the Tatars themselves leave Crimea. As you know, this idea of ​​hers was intensively implemented. “The inhuman methods of tsarist colonization over the course of a century erased from the lives of hundreds of thousands and hundreds of thousands of emigrants to Turkey” (ibid.), as well as to Bulgaria, Romania and other regions of the world. Some of them still keep the fire lit in the Crimea, in the hope of returning.

The same newspaper, in the same issue, wrote: “The leader of the Turkish workers organized in a trade union is a Crimean Tatar, a third of the members of the Central Committee of the Turkish Communist Party are Crimean Tatars,” and further: “Tatars under the onslaught of the Germans, Russian colonists, Russian landowners and the bourgeoisie were pushed back from the wide and rich steppes of Tavria and the Northern Crimea into a scorched yayla. Those who remained on the plain became landless, and the average German colonist owns 500-1000 hectares of arable land. Colonization stopped at the mountains, because horticulture and especially viticulture require special skills.

Our people are in big trouble. The statements of the progressive people of mankind, the Program of our Party, the Constitution of the USSR, the decisions of congresses and plenums of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the teachings of V. I. Lenin on the national question do not even hint at the possibility of admitting the tragedy that befell the Crimean Tatars in 1944 because of national identity, although according to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism, Greco-Gothic blood does not matter, or the blood of steppe nomads flows in the veins of the Crimean Tatars.

Why could this be the case?

Great-power chauvinist tendencies have always been tenacious in Crimea. In explaining all the negative phenomena of life, representatives of these tendencies always took the Crimean Tatars as a target. Even the blame for the brutal execution in 1918 by the White Guards with the participation of the Beketov brothers (who had a large estate in Ai-Gurzuf) and bourgeois-nationalist elements, members of the Council of People's Commissars of the Republic of Taurida, they tried to blame on the local population.

It is well known that L. 3. Mekhlis was a prominent party and statesman, but he was distinguished by bias. One of the reasons for the defeat in 1942 of our armies on the Kerch Peninsula, where Mekhlis L. Z. was a representative of the Headquarters, he attributed to the complicity of the local population to the enemy.

3. The command of the partisan detachments of the Crimea in the first period after the occupation of the Germans, represented by Mokrousov (commander) and Martynov (commissar), did not guess the tactics of the invaders, when the Nazis, in order to create enmity between the partisans and the local population, under the force of arms drove groups of people to the defeat of food bases and ammunition depots prepared for the partisans. The Germans forced the plundered to be delivered to their warehouses. Thus, the Nazis achieved at least two goals: the partisans were left without food and ammunition supplies; they were incited and set up hostile to the population of nearby villages.

The latter circumstance created such an acute and difficult situation that the leadership of the partisan movement instructed to oust the Crimean Tatars from the detachments, to organize raids on the near-forest Crimean Tatar villages as enemy centers, to shoot people who appeared in the forest when it was found out that they were Crimean Tatars. In addition, it sent radio messages to Sevastopol with a request to allocate aircraft for the bombing of the villages of Kovush, Korbek, Beshui and other aircraft. In view of such perversions of the national policy, Mokrousov and Martynov were recalled by the Crimean regional party committee from the Crimean forest to the rear of the Red Army in Sochi, where, after a discussion at the bureau of the regional committee of their activities in November 1942, they were removed from command and subjected to party punishment.

In order to eliminate the perversions that had taken place and noted above, the Bureau of the regional party committee decided to additionally send large groups of workers from among the party-Soviet activists to the Crimean Forest, in particular, Crimean Tatars for action in partisan detachments and conducting underground work behind enemy lines. These groups have launched a very large work. Suffice it to say that on the basis of the Bakhchisarai detachment, where only 82 partisans remained in June 1943, 11 partisan detachments were formed within 5-6 months, which are part of the Southern Formation with a combat strength of more than 2,000 people. In the rear of these detachments there were more than 5 thousand civilians, mainly from adjacent villages, of which at least 80% were Crimean Tatars. As a result of the intensification of the combat and political work of the underground patriotic groups, “volunteer” formations disintegrated, which included Tatars, Russians, Ukrainians, Georgians, Greeks, Azerbaijanis, and others. their population. They burned to the ground the Crimean Tatar villages of Stilya, Kovush, Bukzh-Ozenbash, Kuchuk Ozenbash, Ulusala, Avdjikoy, and others, where many of the local population died in the fire; publicly shot in the village of Tavbadrak 67 Crimean Tatars for the murder of a gendarmerie chief from Bakhchisaray near the village; in the basement of a house in the village of Avdzhikoy, 27 Crimean Tatars, civilians, were burned alive. A similar situation was in many villages in the zones of action of the Southern and other formations of the partisan detachments of the Crimea. These facts characterize the typical relationship between the Nazis and the local population during the period of occupation. Not without reason, the fascist leaders, as can be seen from the top secret correspondence between Ditman and Tippelskirt, published by the USSR Foreign Ministry in 1946, raised the question: “As for the Crimean Tatars, it was decided: they should not represent self-government. Moreover, two weeks ago there was an opinion about the eviction of the Tatars from the Crimea and the transformation of this region into a purely German one. Practical implementation was refrained from due to the technical difficulty of implementation.

Describing the work of this period at the first meeting of the party and Soviet activists of the liberated Crimea, the then first secretary of the regional committee, V.S.

After the liberation of Crimea from the fascist invaders, when the whole people rejoiced, and most of the combat-ready Crimean Tatar population fought on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War, the joy was overshadowed by the fact of gross arbitrariness - the eviction of the Crimean Tatars from Crimea. It was the greatest injustice when the guilty were severely punished without guilt. The 20th Congress of the CPSU correctly assessed this fact. In its materials we read: “In the minds of not only a Marxist-Leninist, but also any sane person, such a situation does not fit how it was possible to accuse entire peoples for the hostile actions of individuals and groups, including women, children, the elderly, communists, Komsomol members and subject them to deprivation and suffering."

The consequences of this act were the death of many thousands of innocent people, the poisoning of the souls of the living with the poison of chauvinism, and most importantly, the bleak situation of every Crimean Tatar that lasted for decades.

Only those who experience this can understand this. In all cases of life, when two or more Crimean Tatars get together, the main topic of conversation is longing for their native land, a conversation about a sad situation and a dream of returning to their homeland. Is it possible that such a share will go to the third generation of Crimean Tatars - for example, to my grandchildren? Who needs it? Where is the meaning and justification of these actions? Where is the logic? The gravity of this situation is well understood by all sane people.

Over the past thirty-seven years after the deportation, in a conversation, only one person was able to tell me: “You were deported correctly,” this person was a photojournalist Kapustyansky, who was immediately called a fool by those present at
conversation with his brother. I did not hear any more approval from Soviet citizens in a private conversation. But chauvinistic would-be writers constantly poisoned the atmosphere with their rotten ideas. For example, A.
Perventsev, in the sixth, Perm edition of the book “Honor from a Young Age”, in the words of a fictional character, agreed to the point that “in the forest, be afraid of the German, and even more of the Tatar.” And when they asked him why he wrote such nonsense in his book, he did not find anything else but to answer: "Stalin ordered it."

If you try to forget and not take into account all the past: the actual facts of eviction, the opportunity to get 20 years of hard labor for violating the ban on crossing the border of the territory of your commandant's office, etc., then the current situation of the Crimean Tatars is far from proper equality. I will list only a few facts of restrictions, persecution, humiliation and insults that are well known to me:

1. During the first period of expulsion, if you did not immediately admit that you were a Crimean Tatar, you were accused of harboring. Then a term appeared - a Tatar from the Crimea, now just a Tatar. The words “Crimean Tatar” are forbidden, and even “scientists” were found to prove the absence of such a nationality. Since 1982, a bastard, by phone call to the editorial office of the Lenin Bairagy newspaper, has changed the name of a whole 500,000 people who have native language, literature, art, its own history and recently had its own statehood.

In Tashkent, in 1982, some kind of event was held and the secretary of the party bureau of the Uzgiprovodkhoz institute, where I work, gathers communists, Komsomol members and reports: the city is divided into sections, we have our own, we must monitor it so that there are no incidents from the Crimean Tatars and Pentecostals”, how should the Crimean Tatars be treated and what can people think about them if similar meetings were held throughout the city?

A man tries to break into my house at night. He knocks with his hands and feet on the door and calls me a traitor. It was Deryabin, the secretary of the party organization, where I was on the party record.

They call me to the city police and force me to sign a printed sheet, where the signer gives an obligation not to participate in such and such demonstrations of the Crimean Tatars, where I have never participated and, of course, did not sign anything.

For many years in Crimea, obstacles were artificially created in the registration of residence of the Crimean Tatars with very gross facts of lawlessness, which drove people to despair.

In Crimea, all literature in the Crimean Tatar language was liquidated, including the works of Marx, Lenin, materials of party congresses.
Many monuments of the Crimean Tatar culture were leveled to the ground, all were renamed settlements, Crimean Tatar cemeteries were liquidated. The historical reality is distorted in the Crimean museums.

The Crimean Communist Tatars are completely cut off from the masses of the people by their nationality.

Unfortunately, this list could be continued.

Against the background of the intensive development of the national culture of the peoples of the Soviet Union, leaving the Crimean Tatar people in this position is deeply unfair. And it is impossible to resolve its issues by adopting decrees or resolutions on the indiscriminate accusation and innocence, or by allocating any part of the land in any separate corner of the Union. Such a situation would further aggravate the already unenviable condition of the people. There are millions of cultured and educated people in Crimea. Their demand cannot be satisfied with anti-Crimean Tatar statements. The Crimean Tatar people are in no way an exception. Like all the peoples of the Soviet Union, he honestly and diligently works for the good of our Motherland.

Based on the motives of justice and the instructions of Yu.V. Andropov, take concrete and deeper into account national specifics, show more concern for the comprehensive development of all nations and nationalities, especially small peoples, persistently eliminate any deviations from the Leninist national policy from practice, consistently ensure the equality of Soviet people of all nationalities, as a communist and a citizen, and seeing in This is good for my people and our entire multinational state, I ask the Central Committee of the CPSU to restore in force the decrees signed by the leader of the revolution and the world proletariat V. I. Lenin:

Repeal laws restricting the national equality of the Crimean Tatar people;

Restore his constitutional rights and return to his native land - Crimea.

SELIMOV Mustafa Veysovich,

Member of the CPSU since 1931, former

Southern Union Commissioner

partisan detachments of the Crimea,

head of the underground center.

(Mektyup biraz kyskartyldy).

Soviet propaganda during the war and Soviet historians in the post-war period claimed that the vast majority of the population in the occupied territories fully supported the partisans and was waiting for the return of "native people's power." However, it is no longer a secret that not everywhere the population treated the partisans loyally or even neutrally - there were cases of outright hostility. This situation developed in the newly annexed territories (the Baltic States, Western Ukraine) and in places where the non-Russian population was either predominant or slightly inferior in number to the Russian one - for example, in the Crimea. It was here that collaborationism took its extreme forms, and the partisan movement numbered only a few thousand people, and there were negligibly few locals among them.

The German historian B. Bonwetsch wrote that “the question of the support of the partisans by the population is, in fact, reverse side the issue of readiness for collaborationism. Crimean Tatars did not quantitatively predominate on the peninsula. Moreover, they were not even equal in number to the Slavic population of the Crimea. Nevertheless, the Crimean Tatar factor was one of the reasons that until the middle of 1943 the partisan movement in the Crimea was actually paralyzed.

What was the relationship of the Crimean Tatars with the partisans in initial period occupation of Crimea, and how did they evolve in the future? On October 23, 1941, the Bureau of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks approved the top leadership of the partisan movement on the territory of the peninsula. A.V. was appointed its commander. Mokrousov, who partisaned here back in the Civil War, and S.V. Martynov, First Secretary of the Simferopol City Party Committee. Already on October 31, they issued their first order, according to which the Crimea was divided into five partisan regions, each of which was subordinate to 2 to 11 detachments with a total number of about 5 thousand people.

The party leadership was counting on the Crimean Tatars. A significant number of them were included in partisan detachments - about 1000 people, which accounted for more than 20% of the total number of Crimean partisans during this period. So, only from them formed the Kuibyshev and Albat detachments. In the Balaklava, Leninsky and Alushta detachments of the Crimean Tatars there was an overwhelming majority. Naturally, the commanders and commissars in these partisan detachments were also representatives of this ethnic group. They were also in the top leadership of the movement. For example, A. Osmanov and M. Selimov, who had held high positions in the Crimean party nomenclature before the war, were appointed commissars of the 1st and 4th districts. In addition, the Crimean Tatar population of the mountainous and foothill regions was involved in the laying of partisan bases and the arrangement of future places for the deployment of detachments.

As you know, with the arrival of the Germans, a significant part of the Crimean Tatar population experienced a "crisis of loyalty" in relation to the Soviet government. The Crimean Tatars began to leave the partisan units both separately and in whole detachments. For example, the entire Kuibyshev partisan detachment went home - 115 people led by their commander Ibragimov (by the way, he was later hanged by the Germans when it turned out that he did not indicate all the places where food supplies were located). Similar cases occurred in the Albatsky and other partisan detachments. Moreover, former partisans often returned - sometimes with the Germans, sometimes with their fellow villagers - and plundered the partisan food bases. As a result, out of 28 partisan detachments operating in the Crimea in the winter of 1941, 25 completely lost their supply bases.

In the future, the situation only worsened. The defeats of the Red Army in the Crimea, German propaganda, and in some places the rash actions of the partisans themselves did not have the best effect on the attitude of the Crimean Tatars towards the Soviet government. To change this situation, on November 18, 1942, a resolution of the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was adopted, entitled "On the mistakes made in assessing the attitude of the Crimean Tatars towards the partisans, measures to eliminate these mistakes and strengthen work among the Tatar population." The document suggested:

1. “To condemn as incorrect and politically harmful the assertion of the leadership of the partisans about the hostile attitude of the Crimean Tatars and explain to all the partisans that for the most part they are also hostile to the German-Romanian occupiers, like all the working people of Crimea;
2. Ask the Military Council of the Transcaucasian Front and the Black Sea Fleet to select and place at the disposal of the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks a group of communists from the Crimean Tatars, tested in battles for their homeland, to be sent to partisan detachments and to work in the rear;
3. To oblige the editors of the newspapers "Krasny Krym" and "Kyzyl Kyrym" (supplement to the first newspaper in the Crimean Tatar language) to direct the main content of printed propaganda to expose the "fascist demagogy" regarding the Crimean Tatar population, their flirting with national-religious feelings, to show what Hitlerism brings Crimean Tatar people severe misfortunes;
4. Make it the duty of the command of the partisan movement in the Crimea to systematically destroy "fascist mercenaries, traitors to the Tatar people", to mobilize the population itself for this. Establish regular contact with the Crimean Tatar villages, explain to the population the meaning of the ongoing events, involve them in an active struggle against the Nazi invaders.

Already in November 1942, the third secretary of the Crimean regional committee, R. Mustafaev, was sent "into the forest", who headed the underground party center here. In the same month, he prepared a series of letters in the Crimean Tatar language. They were distributed among the population of mountain villages and called for the termination of cooperation with the invaders. In parallel with this, radio and print propaganda were significantly strengthened, as with " mainland", and in the Crimea itself. However, as shown further developments, the Soviet military-political leadership was at least half a year late: this period was the peak of the Crimean Tatar collaborationism and its consolidation with the occupation regime. Moreover, the desertion of the Crimean Tatars from partisan detachments continued. As a result, on June 1, 1943, among the 262 Crimean partisans, there were only six (!) Crimean Tatars.

This does not mean that everyone else served in collaborationist formations. It is known that many of them participated in the Crimean underground. So, in September 1942, the communist A. Dagdzhi (nicknamed "Uncle Volodya"), sent from the Yalta partisan detachment, created a patriotic organization in Simferopol that united about 80 people. 2/3 of its composition were Tatars, including the mother and sister of the head of the organization. The rest are people of other nationalities. The underground workers were engaged in the distribution of newspapers and leaflets received from the partisans, organized the escape of prisoners of war from the concentration camp, carried out economic sabotage. In June 1943, due to poor secrecy, the organization was uncovered. Most of its members, including the leader, were captured and executed.

But the main thing remains that the Soviet government lost the battle to the Germans for the majority of the Crimean Tatar population. A radical change in the mood of these people occurred only in the summer of 1943. The reverse process began: now the Crimean Tatars began to experience a "crisis of loyalty" in relation to the German invaders. What are the reasons for this change in orientation? Each of the groups of the Crimean Tatar population had their own. For example, the intelligentsia was dissatisfied with the fact that the Germans did not give their people any political rights and freedoms. The peasantry began to experience the pressure of constant requisitions: other people who did not want to work in "white gloves" were already at the head of the occupation administration. The main reason for the hostility of the city dwellers towards the Germans was that any of them could be sent to Germany, where the sad fate of the "Ostarbeiters" awaited them. In addition, at the end of 1942, rumors about the resettlement plans of the Nazis leaked to the Crimea. And of course, many Crimean Tatars immediately realized that there was no place for them in the future Gotenland. Finally, if until the middle of 1942 the Germans used selective repressions, now they could well deal with the Crimean Tatar, burn the Crimean Tatar village.

Dissatisfaction with the Germans on the part of the Crimean Tatars increases in the first half of 1943. It should be recognized that without a common background - the victories of the Red Army at the front - it would not have received such development. In the second half of 1943, more and more Crimean Tatars began to desire the return of the former government and began to support its "long arm" on the peninsula - the partisans.

As you get closer Soviet troops to the Crimea, partisan attacks on the invaders are intensifying. The Soviet command began to provide more and more tangible assistance to them. Established a permanent connection with the population. Residents of many villages took refuge in the forest, hundreds of them joined the detachments. By January 1944, the number of Crimean partisans had grown to 3,973. In January-February 1944, seven partisan brigades were formed, later united into three formations - Northern (commander P.R. Yampolsky), Southern (commander M.A. Makedonsky) and Eastern (commander V.S. Kuznetsov). The general leadership was carried out by the Crimean headquarters of the partisan movement (KShPD), headed by V.S. Bulatov, who at the same time was the secretary of the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. The KShPD itself was created in October 1943 and was located outside the Crimea.

Members of the Crimean Tatar collaborationist formations were part of their people, and such a military-political situation also had a serious impact on them. Therefore, starting from the summer of 1943, both Soviet and German sources note the weakening of discipline and the fall fighting spirit in the so-called noise battalions (auxiliary police). Under the influence of these reasons, underground organizations were created in many of them, the purpose of which was often to go over to the side of the partisans. So, according to the reports of Soviet agents, the commander of the 154th battalion A. Kerimov was arrested by the SD as "unreliable", and in the 147th battalion the Germans shot 76 policemen at once, considering them a "pro-Soviet element". However, by the winter of 1943, this process became irreversible. It was during this period that a massive influx of Crimean Tatars into partisan detachments began. By December, 406 people had come there, and 219 of them had previously served in various parts of the police. As a result, according to the personnel department of the KShPD, there were 3,453 people in partisan detachments on the territory of Crimea, 598 of whom were Crimean Tatars.

The process of decomposition affected even, it seemed, the most reliable volunteer units. In the fall of 1943, the most devoted to the Germans and most combat-ready self-defense company from the village of Koush, headed by Major A. Raimov, went over to the side of the partisans. According to one of partisan commanders FROM. Vergasov, Raimov was an extreme collaborator and at the same time a good professional. Behind him was a special police school in Germany, two "Insignia for the Eastern Peoples" on his uniform and the personal patronage of the SS chief G. Himmler. The head of the German police on the peninsula appreciated him very much, since Raimov knew the Crimean forests well.

Nevertheless, in November 1943, he, along with his people (about 60 people), went over to the side of the partisans of the Southern Connection. Interestingly, its commander M.A. Macedonian did not "spread" volunteers into units, but allowed them to create their own separate detachment. For some time, the Raimovites, led by their commander, operated quite successfully near Bakhchisarai. However, soon he and his inner circle were secretly arrested and taken by plane to Moscow. Raimov was shot there. The ordinary soldiers of the company who remained in the forests were distributed among the detachments of the Southern Connection. Vergasov explains the reasons for this incident in the spirit of Soviet propaganda. According to him, Raimov planned to find out all the secrets and locations of the partisans and unexpectedly deliver a mortal blow to the entire movement. It was hardly true. The author himself writes a few pages above that Raimov was looking for a way to atone for his guilt in anticipation of the collapse of his masters.

According to the report of the chief of the operational department of the headquarters of the 17th German army, as a result of the transition of collaborators to the side of the partisans on March 5, 1944, only five of the eight Crimean Tatar noise battalions remained subordinate to the chief of police in the Crimea: 147-150th and 154th. Moreover, only the 148th-150th had a full complement - in the rest, there were not even half.

These remaining battalions, as well as other police units, in which, according to the Soviet leadership, served "real volunteers, former disgruntled Soviet power elements”, continued to fight with the partisans: some more, some less zealously. In April-May 1944, all of them took part in the battles against the units of the Red Army that liberated the Crimea. According to the memoirs of the commissar of the 5th detachment of the Southern formation of the Crimean partisans I.I. Kupreev, volunteers from the Bakhchisaray noise battalion fought very hard for the city. And after the end of the fighting, many Crimean Tatars hid the surviving Germans in their homes.

The relationship between the population of the occupied territories and Soviet partisans is one of the most controversial and tragic episodes in the history of the Great Patriotic War. Unfortunately, it should be stated that in the occupied Soviet territories there was not just a struggle against the invaders. In most cases, it took on the character of a civil war, with all the elements inherent in this war. The change in the mood of the population under the influence of certain factors is just one of these elements. And to deny this objective fact means to deliberately hide an unsightly, but nonetheless very important page in the history of our past.