CONSERVATISM (from lat. conservo - oh-ra-take, save-take) - in a broad sense - a designation of mind-on-building and life in-zi-tion, ha-rak-ter-ny-mi especially-ben-no-stya-mi-something is-la-yut-sya attached to the femininity of tra-di-tion - with -chi-al-noy, temper-st-ven-noy, re-li-gi-oz-noy, connected with this not-to-ve-rye to any ra-di-kal-nym but-in-vve-de-ni-pits and pre-respect-te-med-len-ny, in-degree-of-me-not-ny (“or-ga-ni-che-sky evolution-lu-tion").
According to op-re-de-le-niu of one of the most-ideo-logs of the British con-ser-va-tiz-ma M. Oak-shot-ta, “to be con-ser- wa-to-rum oz-na-cha-et pre-chi-tat from-west - not-from-west-no-mu, is-py-tan-noe - not-from-ve-dan -no-mu, fact - for-gad-ke, for-existent - possible-no-mu, og-ra-no-chen-noe - demon-extreme-no-mu, close-something - yes -le-ko-mu, dos-that-accurate - from-to-toch-no-mu, convenient - ideal-al-no-mu ... ”(Oakeshott M. Rationa-lism in politics, and other essays. L., 1962. P. 169). In this sense, conservatism is not associated with any op-re-de-len-theory, su-sche-st-wo-et is mainly la-tent-but and in-lu- cha-et this or that ideological-logical design as a response to you-so-you, turned to a specific society and under-ry-vayu-shche-slo-living-shiy-sya way of life.
In a narrower sense, conservatism is one of the social-political trends of the XIX-XX centuries, the ideology of someone else, one na-ko, with difficulty, under-da-et-sya sis-te-ma-ti-za-tion in si-lu there are many-o-ra-zia of those religious, cultural-tour-no- historical, national traditions, to someone, they usually refer to con-ser-va-to-ry. In contrast to li-be-ra-liz-ma and social-cia-liz-ma, conservatism, which does not have the idea of a perfect social system, op- re-de-la-et-sya S. Han-ting-to-nom as “in-sti-tu-tsio-nal-ideo-logia”, i.e. you-stepping into for-shchi-tu on-personal so-ci-al-nyh in-sti-tu-tov, when they turn out to be under the threat.
The emergence of conservatism as a political trend at the end of the XVIII - early XIX centuries of connection with the re-ak-tsi-she on the co-existence of the French re-in-lu-tion of the XVIII century. He got his first-in-the-initial-you-ra-same-nie-be-chil-pre-g-de of everything in the program “Think-my-le-ni-yah about re- in-lu-tion in France ”(1790) E. Bur-ka, as well as in co-chi-not-ni-yah J. de Me-st-ra, L. Bo-nal-da , ran-not-go F.R. de La-men-ne, S. Kol-rid-zha, German public-li-cy-sts and political mys-li-te-lei F. Gen-ts, A. Mule-le-ra and others
Ter-min uko-re-nil-sya bla-go-yes-rya on-the-title from-yes-va-she-go-sya F.R. de Chateaub-ria-nome in the years 1818-1820 of the magazine Le Conser-va-teur. Common to this early political conservatism was a non-positive relation to attempts to re-create a common st-in according to some “rational-nal-no-mu” pro-ek-tu: with-ty-for-ni-yam pro-sve-ti-tel-sko-go “av-to-nom -no-go "ra-zu-ma with its ab-st-rakt-ny-mi con-cep-tion-mi idea-al-no-go public device-swarm-st-va was pro-ti- in-pos-tav-len av-to-ri-tet tra-di-tion - collective-lec-tiv-nyh ve-ro-va-ny, mores and customs, in some ryh incarnated many-go-ve-ko-howl experience of dan-no-go on-ro-yes, represented by ta-ki-mi is-to-ri-che-ski slo-alive-shi-mi-sya in-sti-tu-tsiya-mi, like the Church and the state-su-dar-st-vo (re-li-gia as “os-no-va gra-zh- dan-sko-go ob-sche-st-va "by Bur-ka, so-yuz" tro-na and al-ta-rya "by J. de Me-st-ra, etc.).
Tra-di-tion in-no-ma-et-sya Bur-kom as a pre-em-st-ven-naya connection not only with the past, but also with the future -ko-le-niya-mi. Pe-re-yes-vae-my tra-di-qi-her os-but-in-po-la-guy-values have their own sources of trans-prices -dent-moral order, established by God and pre-eminently human-lo-ve-che-ra-zu- me-tion. Evil from-in-the-first-but-re-nit-sya is not in one or another public school-re-g-de-no-yah, as in la-gal J.Zh. Rus-so, but in my che-lo-ve-che-sky with-ro-de, not-su-schey on myself print the first-in-kind-no-th sin. Revolutionary tre-bo-va-ni-yam of ra-ven-st-va and li-be-ral-nym dok-tri-nam, is-ho-div-shim from so-qi-al-no -th ato-miz-ma, would-la pro-ti-vo-post-tav-le-on the concept of the community as ie-rar-khi-che-ski us-ro- en-no-go or-ha-no-che-th-th-whole-go-go, in some-rum decomp. in-di-vi-dy and group-py in si-lu tra-di-tion you-half-nya-ut different tasks-yes-chi on the b-go of this-one-no-go whole th. The theory of general-st-ven-no-go-to-go-in-ra from-ver-ga-las as a ra-tsio-on-lististic fiction.
Conservatism in the Anglo-Sak-Son-sky world was more li-be-ra-len than in the countries of con-ti-nen-tal-noy Europe, where the central role in so-storage-non-nii so-qi-al-noy sta-bil-no-sti from-in-di-las go-su-dar-st-vu and Church-vi. A. Burke -va-nii in-di-vi-da “small clan-nam” - se-mier, gil-di-yam, as-so-tsia-tsi-yam. K. Met-ter-nih, kind of the most con-ser-va-tiv-ny-po-li-tic of the era Res-tav-ra-tion, believed that it was not possible re-re-not-sti-principles of the British con-sti-tu-tion to the European con-ti-nent. Cle-ri-cal-no-mo-nar-chic ideas of French tra-di-tsio-on-lists and a number of German ro-man-ti-kov in many op-re-de-li- whether the ideology of the Holy Union. A number of philosophical and juridical concepts are connected with early conservatism, times-ra-ba-you-vav-shih-xia pre-zh-de everything in Germany: historical school of law (F.K. von Sa-vi-ny), etc.
The first in a lytic par-ty-she, someone-paradise became-la on-zy-vat-sya "con-ser-va-tiv-noy" since the 1830s, were they British to-ri (see Kon-ser-va-tiv-naya party), the leader of some-ryh R. Peel saw-del for-da-chu parties in pro-ve-de-nii re-forms while maintaining the social order.
On the pro-ty-zh-ne of the 19th century, together with the b-str-swarm in-du-st-ria-li-for-qi-she, ur-ba-ni-for-qi-ee, for-ver -she-ni-em for-mi-ro-va-niya of the national states of pro-is-ho-di-la in-degree trans-for-ma-tion con-ser-va- tiv-noy ideology-logies and-li-ti-ki: con-server-va-tiv-nye parties began to-ra-reap in-te-re-sy not only vi-le-gi-ro-van-nyh co-words "old-ro-go in a row", but also pro-mysh-len-ni-kov, ag-ra-ri-ev, urban petty and middle bourgeoisie. In France, along with the conservatism of the le-gi-ti-mi-stov from the “devil-like-d-pa-la-you”, by the 1830s for-mi-ru-et- Xia “li-be-ral-ny con-ser-va-tizm” (the term was introduced into circulation by F. Gui-zo), on someone ori-en-ti-ro-wa-lis side-ron-ni-ki Louis Phi-lip-pa. In Germany, where conservatism was to the greatest extent associated with the idea of preserving the “old in a row”, sche-st-in-shaft is also “re-form-ma-tor-sky con-ser-va-tism” (Reformkonservatusmus) by K. fom Shtein. In We-li-ko-bri-ta-nii, li-be-ral-nye-ly-tic reform-we, pre-dos-ta-viv-shie for the most part on-se-le -nia from bi-ra-tel-nye right-va, pro-di-lis ka-bi-not-ta-mi to-ri - Pi-la and B. Diz-ra-eli. O. von Bis-mark and Dis-ra-eli became a kind-ne-shi-mi con-ser-va-tiv-ny-mi-po-li-ti-ka-mi second half of XIX centuries, the conservatism of this era is often washed away with na-tsio-na-liz-mom. By the beginning of the 20th century, the extreme right-wing con-ser-va-tiv-ny parties (for example, “Ak-s-on fran-cez”, head-lyae - May Sh. Mor-ra-som).
The main principles of Russian conservatism were sform-muli-ro-va-ny in the late 18th - early 19th centuries M.M. Shcher-ba-to-vym and N.M. Ka-ram-zi-nym and, in a lu-chi-li, further development in the “offi-tsi-al-na-rod-no-sti” theory (gr. S. S. Uvarov, N.G. marin). From the point of view of Russian con-ser-va-to-ditch, sa-mo-der-zhav-naya form of rights-le-niya co-from-vet-st-vo-va-la is- to-risky its-about-ra-ziyu of the Russian na-ro-yes and ras-smat-ri-wa-lased by them as a single source of re-forms and a guarantor in a row -ka in the community.
View of the most pre-hundred-vi-te-whether conservatism in Russia - M.N. Katkov, N.Ya. Da-ni-lev-sky, K.N. Le-on-t-ev, K.P. Be-to-nos-tsev, L.A. Ti-ho-mir-ditch, etc. Con-ser-va-tiv-ny-mi would be the views of such Russian pi-sa-te-lei and poets as F.I. Tyutchev, N.V. Gogol, A.A. Fet, N.M. Leskov, F.M. Dos-to-ev-sky.
In general, con-ser-va-tiv-ny ha-rak-ter had “counter-re-form-we” in the 1880-1890s in the reign of Emperor Alek-san-dr III. In the second half of the 19th century, the so-called. liberal conservatism (B.N. Chi-che-rin, P.B. Struve and others). At the beginning of the 20th century, pro-is-ho-di-lo or-ga-ni-for-qi-on ob-e-di-non-nie con-ser-va-tiv-ny forces (“Russian so- b-ra-nie ”, Union of Russian-go-on-ro-yes, etc.), na-tsio-na-lism has become one of the main principles in substantiating-no-va- research institutes of conservatism (M.O. Menshikov and others). After the February Revolution of 1917, the ideology of conservatism lost its influence in Russia. In the emigration, conservatism was represented by the ra-bo-ta-mi of a number of Russian thoughts-li-te-lei (I.A. Il-in, the concept of "spirit-hov- but svo-bod-no-go con-ser-va-tiz-ma ”S.L. Frank and others).
After the First World War, did the largest European monarchies disappear, and together with them, practically, ti-che-ski went into pro- the past of conservatism, ori-en-ti-ro-vav-shi-sya on the preservation of the throne and al-ta-rya. In the conditions-lo-vi-yah, when the corner appeared-ro-for-the-living-shim-lytic and economic in-sti-tu-there (com-mu- nism, na-tsio-nal-so-tsializm), li-be-ra-lizm gained oh-ra-ni-tel-nye functions, but in a way, whether-be- ral conservatism acted as the ideology of the main right-wing parties. One-but-time-men-but about-is-ho-di-la ra-di-ka-li-for-tion part-of-ser-va-to-ditch, re-re-nyav-shih not -something-rye-pro-gram-nye-lo-same-tion of social-cy-lists. With the greatest force, this manifested itself in Wei-Mar-Germany, where the ideology of “con-ser-va-tiv-noy re- in-lu-tion.
After the Second World War, the programs of the large right-wing parties in Western Europe co-che-ta-yut in se-be element-men-you -be-ra-lis-ma and conservatism. In the 1970s, in the USA and We-li-ko-bri-ta-nii, no-no-ka-et no-windows-ser-va-tism, which had an eye-for-me-not influence on in-li-ti-ku of the governments of R. Rei-ga-na and M. That-cher. In a la-mi-ke with a li-be-ral-no-po-lytic phil-lo-so-fi-her for-met trace of the os-ta-vi-whether labor-dy after to-va-te-lei com-mu-ni-ta-riz-ma, from-part-of-owl-pa-giving with the idea-lo-gi-her so-called. so-qi-al-no-go conservatism (so-che-ta-nie principles of personal freedom and so-qi-al-noy from-vet-st-ven-no-sti ).
In Russia, the reaction to the radical reforms of the 1990s caused the appearance of various versions of conservatism, based on as from the ideas of I.A. Il-i-na (A.I. Sol-zhe-ni-tsyn and others), and from the experience of the so-vet-sko-go “re-al-no-go com-mu-niz-ma "(A.A. Zinov-ev and others).
Additional literature:
O'Sullivan N. Conservatism. L., 1976;
Kondylis P. Konservativismus. Geschicht-li-cher Gehalt und Untergang. Stuttg., 1986;
Ré-mound R. Les droites en France. P., 1988;
Gott-fried P. E. The conservative movement. 2nd ed. N.Y., 1993;
Man-heim K. Con-ser-va-tiv-naya thought // Man-heim K. Di-ag-noz of our time. M., 1994;
Schildt A. Konservatismus in Deutschland. Von den Anfängen im 18. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart. Munch., 1998;
Russian con-ser-va-tizm of the 19th century. M., 2000;
Gu-sev V. A. Russian con-ser-va-tizm. Tver, 2001.
The very concept of "conservatism" is quite ambiguous. Many scientists and researchers characterize this direction in different ways, invest their own special meaning, endow it with various functions. "Philosophical Encyclopedic Dictionary" / M., 1989 / defines conservatism as "an ideological and political doctrine that opposes the progressive trends of social development." The carriers of the ideology of conservatism are various social classes and strata interested in maintaining the existing order. The characteristic features of conservatism - hostility and opposition to progress, adherence to the traditional and outdated, conservatism in Latin - I keep.
Also common is the so-called. "situational" understanding of conservatism as a system of ideas used to justify and stabilize any public structure, regardless of its significance and place in the socio-historical process. In conservatism, similar ideological attitudes are found: recognition of the existence of a universal moral and religious order, imperfection of human nature, belief in the natural inequality of people, limited opportunities human mind, the need for a class hierarchy, etc.
Conservatism also denotes a philosophical and political concept, in which its bearers oppose both any radical, left-wing movements, and extreme right-wing forces trying to stop the progressive development of society.
One of the most important functions of conservatism is social, which has the following characteristics:
Preservation and respect for the national mentality, moral traditions and norms of mankind;
Inadmissibility of human intervention in the course historical development, violent breaking of habitual way of life;
- interpretation of society as an objective reality, which has its own structure and development.
In modern scientific literature, one can also find another function of conservatism, which can be called a certain type or style of thinking.
The theory of conservatism, its main provisions were considered in the works of E. Burke /XVIII century./. He and his numerous followers were convinced that social experience is passed down from generation to generation, a person cannot consciously predict it and is therefore unable to control it.
in Russia throughout the nineteenth century. the ideas of conservatism became widespread and passed long haul from Slavophilism to religious and ethical research. Philosophical and literary-critical works of this period considered and comprehended historical events associated with the victory over Napoleon /1812/, the Decembrist uprising /1825/, the abolition of serfdom /1861/, the implementation of bourgeois-liberal reforms /60-70/. the development of capitalist relations and the revolutionary democratic movement.
In the first half of the nineteenth century. the tsarist government tried to develop its own ideology, on the basis of which to educate the young generation devoted to the autocracy. Uvarov became the main ideologist of the autocracy. In the past, a freethinker who was friends with many Decembrists, he put forward the so-called "official nationality theory" /"autocracy, nationality"/. Its meaning was to oppose the revolutionary spirit of the nobility and the passivity of the masses, which had been observed since the end of the 18th century. Liberation ideas were presented as a superficial phenomenon, common only among the "corrupted" part of an educated society. The passivity of the peasantry, its patriarchal piety, and steadfast faith in the tsar were portrayed as "original" and "original" traits of the people's character. Uvarov argued that Russia "is strong with unparalleled unanimity - here the tsar loves the Fatherland in the person of the people and rules like a father, guided by the laws, and the people do not know how to separate the Fatherland from the tsar and sees in it their happiness, strength and glory."
The most prominent representatives of official science, / for example, the historian M.P. Pogodin / were supporters of the "theory of official nationality" and in their writings praised the original Russia and the existing order. This theory became the cornerstone of the autocracy's ideology for many decades.
In the 40-50s. nineteenth century ideological disputes were mainly about the future ways of development of Russia. The Slavophiles advocated the identity of Russia, which they saw in the peasant community, in Orthodoxy and in the catholicity of the Russian people. Among them, I.V. Kireevsky. K.S. Aksakov, Yu.F. Samarin and especially A.S. Khomyakov. They sought to refute the German type of philosophizing and develop a special Russian philosophy on the basis of native ideological traditions.
Speaking with the justification of the original, i.e. not the bourgeois path of the historical development of Russia, the Slavophils put forward the original doctrine of catholicity, the unification of people on the basis of the highest spiritual, religious values - love and freedom. They saw the main features of Russia in the peasant community and the Orthodox faith. Thanks to Orthodoxy and communality, the Slavophiles argued, in Russia all classes and estates would get along peacefully with each other. Peter I were evaluated by them very critically. It was believed that they rejected Russia from the natural path of development, although they did not change its internal structure and did not destroy the possibility of returning to the former path, which corresponds to the spiritual makeup of the Slavic peoples.
The Slavophiles even put forward the slogan "Power to the Tsar, opinion to the people." Based on it, they opposed all sorts of innovations in the field government controlled, especially against a Western-style constitution. The spiritual basis of Slavophilism was Orthodox Christianity, from the positions of which they criticized the materialism and classical / dialectical / idealism of Hegel and Kant. Many researchers associate the beginning of independent philosophical thought in Russia with Slavophilism. Particularly interesting in this regard are the views of the founders of this trend, A.S. Khomyakov /1804-1860/ and I.V. Kireevsky /1806-1856/.
For the philosophical doctrine of the Slavophiles, the concept of sobornost is fundamental, which was first introduced by A.S. Khomyakov. By catholicity, he means a special kind of human community, which is characterized by freedom, love, and faith. Aleksey Stepanovich considered Orthodoxy to be the true Christian religion: in Catholicism there is unity, but there is no freedom; in Protestantism, on the contrary, freedom is not supported by unity. Only Orthodoxy is characterized by catholicity, or communality, a combination of unity and freedom, based on love for God. Collectivity, unity, freedom, love - these are the key and most fruitful philosophical ideas of Khomyakov.
I.V. Kireevsky defines sobornost as a genuine sociality that is non-violent in nature. Sobornost, according to his teaching, is only a quality of Russian social and cultural life, a prototype of the Kingdom of God on earth.
In modern scientific literature, monographs, collective studies recent years special emphasis is placed on the study of the social ideals of the Slavophiles. Both Kireevsky and Khomyakov saw the community as an ideal model of social structure, which they considered the only social institution that survived in Russian history, in which the morality of both the individual and society as a whole was preserved.
In the theory of Slavophilism, the most harmonious and logically substantiated concept of the social structure of society belongs to K.S. Aksakov, son famous writer S.T. Aksakov. He formulated the concept of "land and state", in which he proved the peculiarity of the historical path of the Russian people. In 1855 Aksakov, in his note "On the internal state of Russia," outlined his own views on the ideal social structure. He was convinced that following them would make it possible to avoid various kinds of social riots, protests, even revolutions that broke out at that time in Europe.
K.S. Aksakov believed that the only form of government acceptable to Russia, corresponding to the entire course of Russian history, is. Others, including democracy, allow the participation of society in solving political issues, which is contrary to the nature of the Russian people. In an appeal to Alexander II, he noted that the Russian people "... are not statesmen, not seeking participation in government, but wishing to limit government power with conditions, having, in a word, no political element in themselves, therefore, not even containing seeds of a revolution or a constitutional arrangement...".
In Russia, the people do not consider the sovereign as an earthly god: he obeys, but does not worship his king. State power without the intervention of the people in it can only be an unlimited monarchy. And non-interference in the freedom of the spirit of the people, the people - in the actions of the state is the basis of the life of society and the state.
All the followers of the theory of Slavophilism believed that in no case should institutions of power similar to those in the West be introduced in Russia. Russia has its own political models.
The ideologists of Slavophilism advocated the revival of the pre-Petrine estate-representative system, monarchical and patriarchal mores. In their work, Slavophiles often idealized the features of the Russian national character, lifestyle, beliefs. They tried to deduce the future of Russia from the past, and not from the present, so their views are very utopian.
The philosophy of the Slavophils was built on the basis of the Russian understanding of Christianity, brought up by the national characteristics of Russian spiritual life. They did not develop their own philosophical system as such, but they succeeded in establishing the general spirit of philosophical thinking in Russia. The early Slavophiles put forward a number of fundamentally new ideas, but they did not have an integral philosophical system. It was not possible to achieve success in this matter, already in the 70s and 80s of the XIX century, also by the late Slavophiles, in particular, N.Ya. Danilevsky. He became famous for his book "Russia and Europe". Following the German historian Rückert, but earlier than the author of the famous book "The Decline of Europe" by Spengler and other works that received wide European fame. Danilevsky developed the concept of cultural and historical types: there is no universal civilization, but there are certain types of civilizations, there are only 10 of them, among which the Slavic historical and cultural type stands out with its future. The later Slavophiles were conservative and abandoned the utopianism of their predecessors.
Under the influence of Slavophilism, pochvennichestvo developed, a social and literary movement in the 60s of the 19th century. A.A. Grigoriev and F.N. Dostoevsky was close to the idea of the priority of art - given its organic power - over science. "Soil" for Dostoevsky is a kindred unity with the Russian people. To be with the people means to have Christ in oneself, to make constant efforts for one's moral renewal. For Dostoevsky, in the foreground is the comprehension of the last truth of man, the origins of really positive personality. That is why Dostoevsky is an existential thinker, the guiding star of the "existentialists of the 20th century, but unlike them, he is not a professional philosopher, but a professional writer. Maybe that is why Dostoevsky's work can hardly be seen any clearly formulated philosophical theory.
Speaking from the standpoint of soil science, A.A. Grigoriev /1822-1864/ generally recognized the decisive importance of patriarchy and religious principles in Russian life, but was very critical of the romantic classical Slavophilism: "Slavophilism believed blindly, fanatically in an essence unknown to itself folk life and faith is credited to him.
In the 60-90s of the nineteenth century. Russia embarked on the path of capitalist development. In the period after the liberal-bourgeois reforms of the 60-70s. the capitalist system was established in all spheres of socio-political and economic life. Capitalist relations, both in the city and in the countryside, were intertwined with strong remnants of serfdom: there remained landownership, semi-feudal ways of exploiting the peasants. The so-called "Prussian" type of capitalism prevailed in agriculture, characterized by the preservation of landlord property and the gradual transformation of landownership into capitalist.
In connection with these circumstances and the complication of the socio-political development of Russia in the second half of the 19th century, it was filled with sharp contradictions. These contradictions in the life of post-reform Russia were reflected in the struggle of various currents and directions of Russian public thought including in the field of philosophy.
At that time in Russia, as before, the officially dominant direction of social thought was the monarchist direction, the stronghold of which was religious ideology and idealistic currents in philosophy, the so-called. "monarch camp". It was based on various idealistic teachings - from the most religious movements to positivism. In terms of its social origins and essence, philosophical idealism in Russia during Tue. floor. nineteenth century was an expression of the interests of the ruling class - the landowners and the liberal-monarchist bourgeoisie. Despite the fact that the Russian bourgeoisie was a relatively young class and was only strengthening its position, not only was it not revolutionary, but, on the contrary, it feared the revolutionary proletariat and sought an alliance with the landowners under the auspices of the autocracy.
Therefore, one of the main directions of philosophical thought of the adherents of conservatism in Russia was the struggle against the revolutionary-democratic and proletarian movement, against materialism.
In Russia on Tue. floor. 19th century in the conditions of the birth and formation of capitalist relations, the ideology of classical liberalism acquires a conservative function. The transition from the past to the present was conceived by the ideologists of conservatism as the stabilization of a social form that was not subject to change. Conservatives declare the possibility of the subject's intervention in the course of the historical process a social utopia, they are skeptical about the possibilities of volitional solutions to social problems.
Representatives of radicalism and revolutionaries all the time referred to science and scientific progress while emphasizing that they alone have the right to speak on behalf of science. Thus, they provided the conservative circles with just the arguments they were looking for. After all, if science, and especially philosophy, are the basis for destroying the entire existing legal order, then the benefits of philosophy are doubtful, and its harm is obvious. For the Slavophiles, this was another confirmation of their belief that all Western wisdom is just a spiritual poison.
It would be a truly thankless task to defend science and its freedom, on the one hand, from the revolutionary democrats and later the Bolsheviks, who declared a monopoly on it, and on the other, from the suspicions of right-wing conservatives. This task is an attack on the lot of conservative liberals, such as, for example, Chicherin or Katkov. Katkov was convinced that revolutionary teaching, despite its logical validity and harmony, had nothing to do with science and that, on the contrary, the spread of these views was a consequence of the suppression of scientific thinking and scientific freedom. In his newspaper "Moskovskie Vedomosti" /№ 205, 1866/ Katkov wrote: "All these false teachings, all these bad trends were born and gained strength in the midst of a society that knew neither science, free, respected and strong, nor publicity in affairs... ". Chicherin echoes him: "... this senseless propaganda, which tended to destroy the entire existing system, was perpetrated at a time ... when inestimable blessings were showering on Russia, the dawn of a new life was dawning ..." /bourgeois-liberal reforms 60 - 70s of the 19th century - ed. / And further he comes to the conclusion that in Russia "sincere liberals, under the existing order, have to support ... "By absolutism, Chicherin meant autocracy in Russia. He spoke rather harshly about the democratic form of government: “Anyone who does not join the general trend or dares to vote against the majority risks paying with his property, and even with his life, because an angry mob is capable of anything ... Democracy represents the rule of mediocrity: raising the mass , it lowers the upper layers and brings everything to a monotonous, vulgar level.
As the history of philosophy shows, in the second half of the 19th century, Russian idealist philosophers of that time were the ideologists of the ruling classes, striving at all costs to protect and perpetuate the existing order, sincerely believing that this was the only way for Russia to avoid social upheavals and bloodshed. Conservative sentiments are present in their work, their works, their thoughts: they tried to strengthen the autocracy, the influence of the church, to strengthen religious outlook.
Representatives of Russian conservative thought in the 19th century, especially in its second half, accumulated the richest material for reflection. But in 1917 in Russia there was socialist revolution, and the development of the free philosophical process was interrupted. Many philosophers did not accept the October Revolution, could not come to terms with the existing state of affairs and were forced to leave the country. In general, the Russian intelligentsia was declared "an ideologically alien class", and many of them went into exile for their own safety.
At the same time, in socialist Russia, an end was forcibly put an end to the former diversity of philosophical systems. The relevant state bodies took care that one philosophical line prevailed in the country - the Marxist-Leninist one. In Soviet science, a very tendentious stereotype has developed for the creative heritage of such public figures such as, for example, Radishchev, Herzen, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky, and others, and a clear reassessment of the world significance of their philosophical systems. The only true and correct was the teaching of the classics of Marxism-Leninism and the works of their followers, domestic statesmen and public figures, which were published in the country in millions of copies.
They were urged to be guided in all spheres of human life. Any dissent was simply forbidden and even persecuted. The very word "conservative" in our country was synonymous with the word "reactionary", and they themselves and their views were angrily branded in their writings as state leaders, / for example, V. I. Lenin: "The anti-national character of Russian idealism, its ideological collapse are clearly manifested in the political evolution of his preachers... Katkov - Suvorin - "vekhists", all these are the historical stages of the turn of the Russian bourgeoisie to the defense of reaction, to chauvinism and anti-Semitism ... ", and representatives of official science, / for example, L. Kogan: “Russian idealism, especially in the last third of the 19th century, was organically hostile to science, tried in every possible way to discredit its achievements, its materialistic conclusions, to take advantage of the contradictions and difficulties of its development. For all the differences in their views, the reactionary Danilevsky and the liberal Katkov converged in their hatred of Darwinism.
This manifested the one-sidedness of the development of the Soviet social sciences, in the protrusion of some aspects of the philosophical process and the absolute silence of others. But after all, it is impossible to give an objective assessment of the work of the same Belinsky, Chernyshevsky, Lenin and others, without knowing the opinion of their opponents.
Unfortunately, in Russia, the works of representatives of the conservative trend were simply forgotten for many decades, their thoughts and views were not in demand by society. But among them were outstanding thinkers, orators, leaders in their professional fields, who were highly appreciated by N.O. Laos: "The most characteristic feature of Russian philosophy lies precisely in the fact that many people devote their strength to it ... Among them ... many have great literary talent, amaze with their rich erudition ...".
RUSSIAN CONSERVATISM XIX - EARLY XX CENTURY
Legal issues in the concepts of Slavophiles and Westernizers were posed from the perspective of general cultural and historical issues. If the Westerners included Russia in the global development on an equal footing with other nations, then the Slavophiles preferred to talk about the uniqueness of Russian civilization and its superiority in relation to Western European culture. Thus, the dividing line between these two directions ran through a different vision of the place and role of Russia in world culture. Accordingly, the central issue here was the question of choosing the vector of cultural development, and the legal issue was of secondary importance.
Another vector of public life in Russia was the opposition of two other trends: conservatives and liberals. At the center of their discussions was precisely the question of the most optimal political and legal system for Russia. Conservatives (from the Latin conservare - to preserve) considered it necessary to focus on preserving the existing system and avoiding any major changes - not only revolutionary upheavals, but also radical government reforms. Of the thinkers studied by us, N.M. was close to this position. Karamzin. Liberals (from Latin libertas - freedom) insisted on reforms, the purpose of which was to change the existing system and, through this, the maximum possible liberation of the human person. M.M. was close to this direction. Speransky in his reform projects. Along with these two currents, there was also a radical direction, the purpose of which was the violent (through revolution) overthrow of political system and the establishment of social justice (ideas formulated by A.N. Radishchev and P.I. Pestel were consonant with this direction). We will study in succession the development of these three major currents of 19th century political thought, starting with the conservatives.
Conservatism can be defined as a political ideology that focuses on the preservation of historically established forms of state and public life. The fundamental principles of conservatism are considered to be: anti-rationalism, historicity, substantiation of the traditional social hierarchy, recognition of the imperfection of human nature and, as a result, the need for the educational role of the state and the church, the continuity of historical development, the priority of the whole (state, people, nation) over the part (individual). Russian conservative thought arose as a reaction, firstly, to liberal ideology (the ideas of the European Enlightenment, the French Revolution), and secondly, to the increasing orientation of Russian cultural development towards Europe. From this emerged two main elements in the Russian protective ideology: anti-revolutionary (anti-liberalism) and anti-Europeanism (nationalism).
The strength of the conservative trend in its struggle against liberalism was changeable and depended on government policy. In the first years of the reign of Alexander I, conservatism was unpopular with the ruling elite - for example, Karamzin incurred the wrath of the emperor with his note on the need to preserve the autocratic system traditional for Russia, although after the outbreak of the war of 1812 the emperor's mood changed, Speransky already suffered for excessive liberalism. During the reign of Nicholas I, on the contrary, the conservative ideology enjoyed the support of the government and the conservative thesis "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality" received the status of state ideology. The situation changes again under Alexander II, the liberator tsar, who abolished serfdom and carried out a number of other serious liberal reforms in the judiciary, local government and other key areas of social life. reform activity this emperor, as it seemed, justified the worst forecasts of the conservatives - the situation of the main masses of the population, if it changed, was only for the worse, and socio-political changes led to the development of revolutionary radicalism and terror. The revolutionary terror reached its apogee in 1881, when Alexander II was killed by a bomb explosion. After taking the throne Alexander III Conservatism again takes over and reaches its greatest strength in the era of the reign of this emperor.
Usually, Sergei Semenovich Uvarov (1786-1855), Minister of Public Education under Nicholas I, is considered the first Russian conservative. Uvarov was excellent an educated person, spent several years in the Russian diplomatic service abroad. He was acquainted with Goethe, was friends with Pushkin, translated his poems into French. At one time, Uvarov was the president of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Initially, until the 20s of the 19th century, Uvarov was liberal, in the spirit of his time, when liberal views pointed to high level person's education. But in the mid-20s of the XIX century, in connection with the Decembrist uprising, he changes his views and becomes a supporter of the fight against free thought. So, in 1832, Uvarov submitted a note to Nicholas I justifying the need to change the guidelines of education. There he expressed the formula "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality", which later became famous. Uvarov wrote: "The youth should be educated with warm faith in the truly Russian guardian principles of Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality, which constitute the last anchor of our salvation." It was this formula that became the official slogan of Russian monarchism in the 19th century. Uvarov in 1833 was appointed Minister of Public Education and at the same time Chairman of the Main Directorate of Censorship.
Uvarov's political ideas are based on the thesis about the national characteristics of the Russian people, which, according to the thinker, is inert, weak-willed in matters of state administration. As the thinker writes, Russia cannot be judged by European theories - it moves forward only at the behest of the authorities and therefore belongs to the East rather than the West. Western legal ideology showed its failure during the French Revolution, and only autocratic power is able to keep the Russian people from following the disastrous fate of Europe.
Orthodoxy is the first principle of the Russian political system for Uvarov. The Imperial Minister of Education understands Orthodoxy precisely as following the faith of the ancestors, it is not the essential component that is important for him, not a return to the origins of Christianity, as for the Slavophiles, not fidelity to the strict dogma of teaching, but only following the rites and dogmas of the church. The second principle is autocracy, as the concentration of power in the hands of one person. Here, for Uvarov, the qualities of this person again do not matter. The main thing is the principle of autocracy, which is part of the world order: just as God rules the destinies of mankind, so the king rules his subjects, continuing this divine hierarchy. The third principle is nationality, which Uvarov understood as the historical unity of folk tradition. In this aspect, the Russian nationality is the unity of those living on the territory Russian state peoples united by Orthodoxy, the Russian language and an autocratic political system. In the course of history, individual peoples may enter or leave the state, but this, according to Uvarov, does not change the signs of the Russian nationality he listed.
Such, in short, is Uvarov's position, which later became synonymous with reactionary politics and, at the same time, gave impetus to the development of deeper ideas of Russian conservatism. In the future, the thinkers of this direction focused on one of the components of Uvarov's formula. So, in conservatism, monarchism (emphasis on autocracy), Byzantism (emphasis on Orthodoxy) and pan-Slavism (emphasis on nationality) stood out. The most prominent representatives of monarchism, as a direction of Russian conservatism in the 19th century, were Konstantin Pobedonostsev and Lev Tikhomirov.
Conservatism
Plan
Political and legal ideology in Western Europe in the 19th century
Lecture 10
1. a brief description of the main provisions of the conservative ideology of the 19th century.
2. Socialist doctrines.
3. Anarchism: main characteristics.
4. Liberal ideology.
5. Positivism.
Socio-political thought Western Europe The first half of the 19th century was marked by the further strengthening of the bourgeois order, especially in England, France, Germany, Switzerland and Holland. The ideological currents that formed and declared themselves were self-determined through their attitude to this process. At that time, 5 directions appeared in the political and legal arena:
1. Conservatism.
2. Anarchism.
3. Positivism.
4. Socialism.
5. Liberalism.
Consider the main postulates of each of them.
The ideological adherents of this trend were the noble aristocracy, the feudal-monarchist circles, who had lost their former privileges and wanted the restoration of the feudal order. Its leaders, "founding fathers" were in France - Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald. In Germany - Ludwig von Haller, Adam Müller, in England - Edmund Burke.
1) Rejection revolutionary change who broke with the past, with the good old traditions.
2) Thesis about the original imperfection of human nature. (The conclusion followed from this dogma was that all attempts to create a reasonable state are doomed to failure, as they violate the order of things established during the historical process).
3) Irrationalism, which arose as an antithesis to the views of the Enlightenment. (According to conservatives, reason must be subordinated to faith, reason alone awakens egoism, passions, harmful inclinations in a person. If there is no religion and only reason in authority, then revolutions will become continuous and natural for the state, and periods of rest and development will become an exception) .
4) The principle of authority. As an authority, conservatives saw, firstly, a spiritual ideal, the source of which is God. The state, which is deprived of this spiritual ideal that unites all, which has become a collection of dispersed individuals, is threatened with destruction. The second authority is called to be the supreme sovereign power, drawing its strength again from God. These authorities precede reason. And since very few think rationally, and no one can judge sensibly about everything, then one must obey the Divine authority and the authority of power.
5) Appeal to traditions. (Conservatism was characterized by the accusation of the revolution that it overthrew the monarchy, behind which there were 14 centuries of history. The revolution broke all the traditions in which the wisdom of folk life was manifested).
6) The connection between conservative ideology and the organic theory of the state. (In its structure, the state resembles an organism where there is a functional and political division of people, from which follows the natural nature of their inequality, therefore, there must be a cruel hierarchical order in the state. The ideal state is an organism in which everyone lives for others, serves everyone, therefore the health and strength of individual members and of the whole organism is preserved, the ill health of one element is dangerous for all).
7) Historical pessimism. Conservatives are characterized by longing for feudalism (as the golden age in antiquity), intolerance for the innovations of the bourgeoisie and its ideals.
Conservatism is one of the leading ideological currents in the 19th century. The term is used mainly in the political sphere and is aimed at protecting old ideas and orders as opposed to new ones.
Born in France at the turn of the 18th-19th centuries as a result of rejection of the results of the Revolution; in the 1820-1830s. spread throughout the European continent, and in the 1840s. - in the USA. The founders of the conservative doctrine were the French J. de Maistre, L. de Bonald, the Englishman E. Burke, who in their works outlined a number of fundamental ideas of traditional conservatism.
This is the rejection of the results of the revolution, which was regarded as "God's punishment", which violated the established order of things for centuries, the slogans "freedom, equality, fraternity"; a pessimistic view of the world and the future, nostalgia for the past, criticism of educational ideas that highly valued a person, believed in his ability to rebuild the world on the basis of goodness and justice. Conservatives, on the contrary, looked pessimistically at the nature of a person who, in their opinion, "was too angry", needed restraining forces, a "bridle".
They were characterized by a view of society as an integral organism, in which all parts are in close unity and interaction, which was a “miracle of nature”, a “product of the creator” and could not be changed; the idea of an organic society of conservatives was closely related to the justification of social and class division: since different groups in society, like human organs, perform functions of different significance, an attempt to achieve class and social equality is considered a clear mistake; revolutions are not positive, but harmful, they not only violate the established order of things for centuries, but also interrupt, slow down the progressive development of the nation.
The ideal for the conservatives was a medieval monarchy with a strong power of the church, leading the "enlightenment of minds", that is, restraining education, and the monarch. AT initial period the existence of conservative thought, its borders with liberalism were quite mobile. A number of thinkers, including the Englishman E. Burke, the Frenchman A. Tocqueville, influenced the development of both conservative and liberal thought.
We also note that in addition to the traditional type of conservatism, a liberal type stands out, which was widely represented in Great Britain (R. Peel, B. Disraeli), but also found manifestation in Germany in the activities of O. Bismarck. This type was less theoretical and associated with the desire of a number of conservative politicians to adapt the ideas of conservatism to the needs of the time. The ideological openness and flexibility of conservatism explains its vitality and influence in the political culture at the present time.
