April 12 (24), 1877. Alexander II signed manifesto on the beginning of the Russian-Turkish war. Diplomatic struggle around the conflict. London protested against the declaration of war on Turkey, insisting that the Russians do not encroach on British interests in Turkey. In the middle of May government B. Disraeli suggested Austria-Hungary joint military action against Russia. Austria-Hungary was to strike at the rear of the Russian army, and England was to send its fleet to the Black Sea straits. Vienna refused. from entering the war against Russia, but agreed to participate in the post-war settlement in the Balkans. January 19(31) in Adrianople was signed truce, according to which the Russian army continued to occupy a number of territories.
On February 19 (March 3), 1878, a peace treaty was signed with the participation of the count N.P. Ignatieva.
Terms of the San Stefano Treaty:
1. Montenegro, Serbia and Romania received full independence, Bosnia and Herzegovina became autonomous.
2. Creation of a large autonomous Bulgarian state. On the territory of Bulgaria, fortresses were destroyed and Turkish troops were withdrawn.
3. South Bessarabia, lost after the Crimean War, returned to Russia, in the Caucasus - Ardagan, Karst, Bayazet and Batum, Turkey paid an indemnity in the amount of 310 million rubles.
Berlin Congress and its decisions. There was a big struggle to fulfill the terms of the treaty, which were opposed by England and Austria-Hungary.
Reasons for convening the Berlin Congress:
1. England and Austria-Hungary wanted to increase their territories;
2. England and Austria-Hungary sought to undermine Russian influence in the Balkans and belittle the results of Russia's military victories.
3. They wanted to revise the new borders of Bulgaria, which extended almost to Constantinople, which caused alarm among Turkish Sultan.
4. Austria-Hungary was most worried about the growing influence of the Slavic peoples in the Balkans.
The Congress of Berlin was preceded by a series of agreements. May 18 (30), 1878 took place secret Anglo-Russian agreement, which predetermined in general terms the terms of the revision of the San Stefano Treaty. May 23 (June 4) England signed secret treaty with Turkey about a defensive alliance - Cyprus Convention, according to which Great Britain received the right to occupy Cyprus and the right to control the implementation of reforms by the Turkish government in Asia Minor. In fact, in Berlin, Russia found itself in diplomatic isolation. Germany, on whose help the tsarist government was counting, formally did not interfere in the debate and not only did not provide real help, but also supported the opponents of Russia. The new Berlin Treaty of 1878 significantly infringed on the interests of Russia and the Slavic countries.
1. The independence of Montenegro, Serbia and the Romanian Principality was recognized, but their territorial increments under the Treaty of San Stefano were significantly reduced.
2. Bulgaria was divided into two parts (its border was the Balkans). The northern Bulgarian principality received autonomy, while the southern part, the so-called Eastern Rumelia, remained under Turkish rule (formally an autonomous Turkish province with a Christian governor).
3. Austria-Hungary won the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina and place garrisons between Serbia and Montenegro - in the Novopazar Sanjak, which remained with Turkey.
4. Russia abandoned Bayazet and the Alashkert valley and acquired only Ardagan, Kars and Batumi, in which it undertook to introduce a regime free port(port of free trade). South Bessarabia passed to Russia.
England got Cyprus, occupied by the British without a firman (decree) of the Turkish Sultan, who did not want to fulfill the English ultimatum on the cession of Cyprus, but was forced to come to terms with this de facto.
The results of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877–1878:
1. The decisions of the Berlin Congress were perceived in Russia as a defeat for Russian diplomacy.
2. The results of the Russian-Turkish war played a major role in the national liberation of the Slavic states in the Balkans, the development of capitalist relations there, and the consolidation of national forces.
Berlin Congress (1 (13) June - 1 (13) July 1878), international Conference, convened to revise the terms of the San Stefano peace treaty (1878), which ended the Russian-Turkish war (1877-1878). The congress was attended by representatives of Russia, Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, Germany; Delegations from France, Italy and Turkey were also present. Representatives of Greece, Iran, Romania, Montenegro, Serbia were invited to the congress. The initiators of the congress were Austria-Hungary and Great Britain, who opposed the strengthening of Russia's positions in the Balkans, against the national liberation of the Slavic peoples of the Balkan Peninsula, especially against the independence of Bulgaria. Russia, under the threat of war with Great Britain and Austria-Hungary, weakened by the war with Turkey that had just ended and not supported by Germany, was forced to agree to convene a congress. The Congress of Berlin was preceded by a series of agreements. On May 18 (30), 1878, a secret British-Russian agreement took place, which predetermined in general terms the terms of the revision of the San Stefano Treaty. On May 23 (June 4), Great Britain signed a secret convention with Turkey, under the terms of which it received the island of Cyprus, in return it pledged to protect Turkish possessions in Asia. The British-Austrian agreement on May 25 (June 6) determined common line behavior of both powers at the Berlin Congress.
The German Chancellor Otto Bismarck presided over the congress. The most important issues were usually preliminarily decided at private meetings of representatives of Germany, Great Britain, Austria-Hungary and Russia, whose delegations were headed respectively by Bismarck, Prime Minister B. Disraeli, Foreign Minister D. Andrássy and Chancellor A.M. Gorchakov. The disputes were mainly about Bulgaria, whose territory, defined by the San Stefano Treaty, Austria-Hungary and Great Britain wanted to cut to a minimum; about Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was claimed by Austria-Hungary; about the territory in the Transcaucasus, which had departed from Turkey to Russia, against which Great Britain protested. Bismarck declared himself a neutral intermediary, but in fact supported the demands of Austria-Hungary and Great Britain, forcing Russia to accept most of them.
On July 1 (13), the Berlin Treaty was signed, which changed the terms of the San Stefano Treaty to the detriment of Russia and the Slavic peoples of the Balkan Peninsula. He pushed the southern border of Bulgaria beyond the Balkan range. Bulgaria was declared an autonomous principality, the elected head of which was approved by the sultan with the consent of the great powers. Temporarily, the administration of Bulgaria until the introduction of a constitution in it was retained by the Russian commissar, however, the period of stay of Russian troops in Bulgaria was limited to 9 months. Turkish troops did not have the right to be in the principality, but it was obliged to pay an annual tribute to Turkey. The Bulgarian regions south of the Balkan range constituted the Turkish province of Eastern Rumelia, which remained under the direct political and military authority of the sultan and whose governor was appointed by the sultan for a term of five years with the consent of the great powers. Thrace, Macedonia and Albania remained with Turkey. In these provinces, as well as in Crete and in the areas inhabited by Armenians, Turkey undertook to reform local government equalizing the rights of Christians with Muslims. The independence of Montenegro, Serbia and Romania was recognized.
However, the territory that departed under the San Stefano Treaty to Montenegro was significantly reduced. The access to the sea (with the port of Bar) granted to Montenegro by the Treaty of San Stefano was preserved, but without the right to keep the navy. Control over the Montenegrin coast was transferred to Austria-Hungary. The territory of Serbia increased somewhat, but not at the expense of Bosnia, but at the expense of the lands claimed by Bulgaria. Austria-Hungary won the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as keep garrisons in the Novopazar Sanjak, which remained with Turkey. Romania received Northern Dobruja instead of the Danube section of Bessarabia, returned to Russia, and the Danube Delta. The final decision to increase the territory of Greece was to be determined by further negotiations, which ended in 1880 with the transfer of Thessaly and part of Epirus to Greece. The Treaty of Berlin guaranteed freedom of navigation on the Danube. In Transcaucasia, Russia retained Kars, Ardagan and Batum with their districts. Bayazet with the Alashkert valley returned to Turkey. Batum was declared a free port (free port), mostly commercial.
The Treaty of Berlin remained in force until the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), but some of its provisions remained unfulfilled or were later changed. The reforms of local self-government promised by Turkey in the areas inhabited by Christians were not carried out. Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia merged into a single principality in 1885. In 1886, Russia abolished the free port regime in Batum. In 1908, Bulgaria declared itself a kingdom independent of Turkey, and Austria-Hungary annexed occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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In 1875, an uprising began in Bosnia and Herzegovina against exorbitant taxes to the Turkish treasury. By the next year, the uprising had spread to Bulgaria. The Turks suppressed the uprising with terrible cruelty, which caused an extremely negative reaction throughout Europe.
In the summer of 1876, Serbia and Montenegro declared war on Turkey. They counted on the help of Russia. But Alexander II and chancellor Russian Empire Alexander Gorchakov didn't rush to help. They were afraid of complications in relations with Europe - they still remembered well the defeat in the Crimean War. In addition, on the "Balkan issue" there were some secret agreements with England and Austria-Hungary.
But the tsar could not ignore the deep-rooted sympathy in Russian society for the plight of the Orthodox Slavs, who were under the rule of the Turks. In Russia they always gave great importance Balkans. Both Slavophilism and solidarity with the Orthodox brothers played a role here. In addition, the Balkan Slavic peoples bore the reflection of those times when Russia received the civilizational baton from Byzantium.
On April 24 (12 old style), 1877, Russia declared war on Turkey. Romania became Russia's ally. Military operations were generally successful. Difficulties arose only when taking the city of Pleven (Plevna) and when crossing the Balkan Range at the Shipka Pass.
By January 1878, Russian troops took Adrianople (Edirne), which is a little over 200 km from Constantinople. From the walls of Constantinople, Cossack patrols conducting reconnaissance were observed. Panic broke out in the city. Alexander II was already thinking about erecting a cross over Hagia Sophia. But when the English squadron under the command of Admiral Hornby, and appropriations for mobilization began to be discussed in the British Parliament, the king realized that the capture of Constantinople was new war. And not only with the Turks.
On March 3 (February 19, old style), 1878, a peace treaty was signed between the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Porte in the town of San Stefano near Constantinople. According to the treaty, the principality of Bulgaria was formed, and its territory extended to the Aegean Sea. Russian troops remained in Bulgaria for two years, after which the principality received autonomy with strictly limited taxation. Turkey was obliged to respect the sovereignty of Serbia, Montenegro and Romania, in addition, these countries received some territorial acquisitions. Turkey had to pay Russia an indemnity of 1.4 billion rubles, part of which was repaid by territorial concessions in Europe and the Transcaucasus. Also, Turkey was obliged to carry out some administrative reforms in areas with a Christian population, including Armenia and Cyprus.
The San Stefano Treaty caused a sharply negative reaction in Europe, especially in England and Austria-Hungary. Nobody wanted to strengthen Russia's positions in the Balkans. The British were especially frightened by the prospect of Russia entering the Mediterranean Sea through controlled Bulgaria.
Really smelled of a new war. The German chancellor volunteered to defuse the situation Otto von Bismarck. Positioning himself as a "disinterested party", he, through the Russian ambassador in Berlin, invited the tsar to discuss the terms of the San Stefano Treaty at an international congress. Alexander II and the very cautious Gorchakov agreed.
The congress was held in Berlin in the building of the Reich Chancellery. Delegations from Russia, England, Austria-Hungary, Germany, France, Italy and Turkey took part in it. The observers at the congress were Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Iran.
Six British battleships cruised in the Sea of Marmara, Austria-Hungary was gathering troops to the border, more than 120 thousand Turkish prisoners, whom the Russians hastened to release, were armed again. Alexander II tried to put pressure on England with some military activity in Turkestan, but the British did not take it seriously.
In fact, Russia was alone at the congress. Bismarck, who portrayed neutrality and called himself an "honest broker", actually played along with Austria-Hungary, with which he counted on an alliance in the future.
The discussions were stormy. English Premier Benjamin Disraeli hinted at war, Gorchakov threw his paper cutter on the table and swore in French. The provocative attempt by British Foreign Secretary Robert Salisbury to discuss the right of foreign fleets to enter the Black Sea, limited by the conventions of 1841 and 1871, caused a particularly heated debate. This encroachment received a worthy rebuff from a member of the Russian delegation Petra Shuvalova.
Mainly, the decisions of Congress were predetermined by two circumstances.
First, at the beginning of the congress, there were already some agreements between Russia and the European powers on the fate of the Balkans. Some of them were signed before the war, in a completely different environment. Some were secret, which prevented the public from being told what was going on. This is the Reichstadt Agreement of July 8, 1876 between Russia and Austria-Hungary on actions in the event of war in the Balkans. This is the Budapest Convention of January 15, 1877 with the same Austria-Hungary. This is the Anglo-Russian agreement of February 4, 1878, which saved Constantinople from being taken by the Russians. In addition, there were a large number of arrangements and agreements built into other treaties, or completely informal, not even spoken out loud. But the Russian side remembered the Crimean War and adhered to its obligations even when they were outdated or even imaginary.
Secondly, it is very important that the Russian leadership did not have a clear understanding of what it wanted. Yes, they helped the Slavic brothers - they did a good deed. What's next? To accept Constantinople with 3 million non-problematic population as "on balance"? For the sake of this, spoil relations with all of Europe? Maybe it was possible to spoil the relationship, but you need to clearly understand for what. Getting involved in the war under the influence of public opinion, Alexander II was faced with an insoluble strategic question. This should have been thought about before. Not in the sense that it was not necessary to help the Slavs, but in the sense that it was necessary to think.
The result of the Berlin Congress was the Treaty of Berlin, signed on July 14, 1878. Based on the heterogeneity of the Bulgarian ethnos, Bulgaria was cut three times, and its territory ended with the main Balkan ridge. To the south, another Bulgarian territorial entity was created - Eastern Rumelia, the governor of which was to be appointed from among the Christians. The more southern Bulgarian lands, with the coast of the Aegean Sea, remained completely under the control of the Turks. The territorial acquisitions of Romania, Serbia and Montenegro were slightly curtailed. Austria-Hungary received the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina, and, importantly, the Novopazar Sanjak (region) separating Serbia and Montenegro. The British secured the right to Crete, which they already took as a reward for saving Constantinople from the Russians. In the areas of the Ottoman Empire inhabited by Christians, the Turks were obliged to carry out some reforms, which they then successfully sabotaged. Russia received only South Bessarabia, Kars, Ardagan and Batumi.
Russia suffered a diplomatic defeat after military victory. But one should not measure the success of the war only by territorial acquisitions and indemnities. The heroism of the Russian soldiers and officers brought the real independence of Bulgaria much closer. The day of the signing of the San Stefano Treaty, March 3, is celebrated as National holiday Bulgaria.
Russia - England: unknown war, 1857-1907 Shirokorad Alexander Borisovich
Chapter 19
Chapter 19
In the last days of April 1878, the Russian government decided to get out of the state of uncertainty and again call on Germany for assistance.
On April 24, Gorchakov telegraphed the Russian ambassador in Berlin, P. P. Ubri, to propose that Prince Bismarck and Emperor Wilhelm himself become arbitrators in a dispute between Russia, Austria and England. However, both the Chancellor and the Emperor decided to take a break and went to their respective estates.
The Russian ambassador in London, Count P. A. Shuvalov, tried to find other means of overcoming the crisis. He did not consider it possible to simultaneously remove the Russian army and the British fleet from Constantinople, believing that this would only play into the hands of the British. He was not a supporter of the European Congress either, rightly believing that there would be a rapprochement between England and Austria-Hungary and their unification against Russia. But the idea of the congress belonged to Gorchakov, he put forward it even before the start of the Russian-Turkish war, and now, after it was over, he continued to insist on the congress. Shuvalov believed that if the congress was inevitable, then it was necessary to try to prevent the conspiracy of the British and Austrians at it, and as a countermeasure he proposed to conclude a preliminary agreement with England on the articles of the San Stefano Peace.
Count Shuvalov tried to convince the Foreign Minister, Lord Salisbury, that it was the duty of both governments to do everything possible to avoid war, and that even Congress could lead to war if Russia and England did not agree in advance on mutual concessions for the sake of preserving the world. Therefore, they need to agree on which articles of the San Stefano Treaty can remain unchanged and which should be revised. If it is possible to reach an agreement on controversial issues, then a peaceful outcome of the congress will be ensured.
Lord Salisbury, after hesitations and consultations with Prime Minister Lord Beaconsfield, agreed to the consultations proposed by the Russian ambassador, but subject to the strictest secrecy. It was agreed that the negotiations between Shuvalov and Salisbury would take place only in words, that Shuvalov would not report their content to St. Petersburg in writing (the British were afraid of the Germans deciphering Russian dispatches), but would personally go to Russia and report to the emperor and chancellor on the results of the negotiations. Alexander II gave permission for this method of negotiating.
After several conversations, Shuvalov and Salisbury managed to establish the main terms of the future agreement. England agreed to the annexation of the Danube section of Bessarabia, Kars and Batum to Russia, but demanded the division of Bulgaria into two parts: northern and southern, the border of which should pass through the Balkans. Now it remained to decide how to present all this at the congress. Shuvalov proposed to let Bismarck in on the secret of Russian-English negotiations and ask him to convene a congress in Berlin on the following grounds: each of the participating powers, accepting an invitation to the congress, thereby expresses its readiness to discuss all the articles of the San Stefano Treaty.
On the way to Petersburg, Count Shuvalov visited Prince Bismarck at his Friedrichsruhe estate. The chancellor was extremely surprised that the Russian ambassador managed to get the British to agree to land increments in favor of Russia, not only in Europe, but also in Asia. “In that case,” he said, “you did well to make arrangements with England. She alone would declare war on you, while Austria will not move without allies ”(56. Book Two. P. 455).
Bismarck was satisfied with the invitation formula agreed between Shuvalov and Salisbury, and he promised Russia his full support. Emperor Wilhelm, whom Count Shuvalov visited in Berlin, promised the same.
Upon arrival in St. Petersburg, the Russian ambassador found the highest government circles in a state of complete despondency. Gorchakov and Milyutin were terrified of the war. The great princes, who had bred in the reign of Alexander II, also did not want to fight. In 1877, the entire august company rushed into the army after the emperor. There were the Tsarevich - the future Emperor Alexander III, Grand Dukes Vladimir Alexandrovich, Alexei Alexandrovich, Sergei Alexandrovich, Konstantin Konstantinovich and others. All of them climbed to command or, in extreme cases, to advise. In Russian history, the raid of the titled locust has always meant that the war is considered easy and guaranteed to be successful. In 1812, there was not a single Grand Duke in Kutuzov's army. On March 31, 1904, the Japanese arranged a cold bath for Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, after which he drove away from Port Arthur and the "macaques". None more Grand Duke was neither in the 2nd and 3rd Pacific squadrons, nor in the Manchurian army. Naturally, not a single Grand Duke sat in the trenches of the First World War, although they then bred twice as many as in 1877.
The trouble from the tsar and the grand dukes was not only in incompetent councils. Each of them was accompanied by a huge retinue, lackeys, cooks, his own escort, etc. The ministers of military, internal and foreign affairs were constantly present with the emperor in the army, and other ministers constantly ran over. The stay of the king in the army cost one and a half million rubles. And it's not just about money - there were no railways, they were first seen in the area of Adrianople. There were constant supply shortages in the army, there were not enough horses, oxen, fodder, wagons, etc. Terrible roads were clogged with troops and vehicles. Is it necessary to explain what confusion was brought about by thousands of horses and carts serving the king and the grand dukes.
Prince A.P. Oldenburgsky, missing his wife, even organized a private relay mail from the army to St. Petersburg and at the same time boasted that it worked better than the state one.
In the army, their "marching wives" frequented the titled persons. Katenka Dolgorukaya visited Alexander II, and the ballerina Chislova visited Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. Love is love, but both ladies quickly found mutual language with quartermasters and suppliers and well provided not only for themselves, but also for their numerous offspring. Rumors about the adventures of these ladies reached the front line. There were jokes in the army about the commander-in-chief, such as Oleg the Prophet nailed his shield to the gates of Constantinople, and Nikolai Nikolayevich wanted to hang Mademoiselle Chislovy's lace pantaloons on his gates.
The grand dukes themselves did not become either strategists or heroes in the Balkans. They were tired of camp life, and they all wanted only one thing - peace.
Alexander II was no less surprised than Prince Gorchakov by the compliance of the British ministers, although he was very skeptical about this. After listening to Shuvalov, he said that it did not matter to him whether there would be one, or two, or three Bulgaria, it was only important that they all be protected from Turkish atrocities. Alexander II refused to believe that England agreed to cede Kars and Batum to Russia, being sure that as soon as it came to signing the treaty, the British would renounce their promises. The question of a preliminary agreement with England was discussed at several meetings under the chairmanship of the emperor. The most difficult condition for Alexander II was the right of Turkey to occupy the line of the Balkans with its troops, but the tsar nevertheless accepted it and provided Count Shuvalov with the authority to sign a secret convention with Lord Salisbury.
Shuvalov was appointed the first commissioner at the congress. The second commissioner was P. P. Ubri, ambassador to the Berlin court.
On May 8, 1878, the tsar wrote to the commander-in-chief of the army, Adjutant General Totleben: “The arrival of Count Shuvalov gave us some hope for maintaining peace ... Negotiations with Austria have not yet led to any positive result, but the main issue should be resolved one of these days in London. If an agreement with England is made, then it is unlikely that Austria alone would decide to declare war on us, and if she were crazy enough to decide on this, then we can assume that Turkey will rather be on our side, in view of Austria's undisguised desire to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina will not temporarily, but permanently” (56. Book Two, p. 456).
On the way back, Shuvalov met Bismarck again to agree on a time for the congress. From him, Pyotr Andreevich learned that after his departure from St. Petersburg, Alexander II yielded to the request of his old chancellor Gorchakov and appointed him the first representative at the congress. At the same time, Count Shuvalov became the second commissioner, and Urbi - the third. Bismarck, who was disposed towards Shuvalov and disliked Gorchakov, was extremely dissatisfied with this. “Now everything has changed. We will remain friends at the congress, but I will not allow Gorchakov to get on my neck again and turn me into his pedestal!” (56. Book II. S. 456), Bismarck exclaimed in despair. And Count Shuvalov had to convince the Chancellor for a long time that it was not about his personal relationship with Gorchakov, but about the friendly disposition of Germany towards Russia and the fulfillment of her obligations to her.
Count Shuvalov again repeated to Bismarck the proposal he had made a year ago to create a defensive and offensive alliance between Germany and Russia, assuring him that this would be a reliable means of preventing all sorts of coalitions against Germany, which he, Bismarck, is so afraid of. Indeed, without the participation of Russia, any coalition for Germany will not be dangerous. Bismarck agreed with this and said that even before the Eastern crisis he himself proposed to Gorchakov such an alliance, in which Germany pledged to support Russia against Turkey not only morally, but also materially, providing her with an army of 100,000 in exchange for Russia's guarantee for the territorial integrity of the German Empire. “These hundred thousand people would be very useful to you near Plevna,” the chancellor remarked and immediately added that he was now glad that his proposal was rejected, because it was unlikely that he could get the consent of the Reichstag to this. “Besides,” Bismarck reasoned, “if Germany sacrificed her friendly relations with all other powers to an alliance with Russia, then with any acute manifestation of “revenge” from France or Austria and with her geographical location, she would soon fall into a dangerous dependence on Russia for her, especially under the policy of Prince Gorchakov with its imperious, purely Asian methods ”(56. Book. Second. P. 456).
To which Shuvalov replied: “Gorchakov is deprived of any influence. If he continues to formally conduct business, then he owes this only to the respect of the emperor for his old age and for his former merits ”(56. Book Two. P. 456). What, Shuvalov asked, could Russia and Germany enter into a dispute with? There is not a single really important issue that could serve as a pretext for this. With this argument, Bismarck agreed, but nevertheless remembered both Olmutz and Seven Years' War, expressing the opinion that, in addition to Gorchakov, it is difficult for many Russians to recognize an equal friend in Germany and that modern Russia not only the methods are characteristic, but also the claims of its current chancellor.
At the end of the conversation, Bismarck rejected the choice offered to him by Shuvalov between Austria and Russia and recommended that he remain with the union of the three empires, or at least with respect for peaceful relations between them.
In London, Count Shuvalov signed three secret conventions with Lord Salisbury, the main terms of which were:
Bulgaria was divided into two parts: one to the north and the other to the south of the Balkans. The northern region received political autonomy under the control of the prince, and the southern region received only broad administrative autonomy under the rule of a Christian governor-general appointed for a five-year term by the Porte with the consent of Europe. Southern Bulgaria was not supposed to reach the Aegean. Eastern border both Bulgaria were also changed in order to leave out their population of non-Bulgarian origin. Turkish troops were withdrawn from both Northern and Southern Bulgaria, but England granted itself the right to bargain at the Congress for the Sultan in certain cases and under certain restrictions to bring Turkish troops into Southern Bulgaria, station them along its border, and also appoint Turkish troops with the consent of the European powers chief of police in this area.
The rights and benefits promised by the Porte to its Christian subjects in European regions, such as in Epirus, Thessaly and others, as well as to the Armenians in Asia Minor, will be placed under the supervision of not only Russia, but all the great powers.
England, although it does not approve of Russia's desire to return part of Bessarabia, torn from it in 1856, will not interfere with this. While agreeing to the annexation of Kars and Batum to Russia, England takes note of the promise of Alexander II that the Russian border will no longer be extended from Asiatic Turkey. Russia, on the other hand, refuses to acquire the Alashkert valley with the Bayazet fortress and, in return, will insist on the cession of the city of Khotura with the district by the Port of Persia.
Russia undertakes not to turn into a land increment the monetary indemnity negotiated in her favor for military expenses, which will not deprive England of her right as a creditor of the Porte and will not change anything in the position that she occupied in this respect before the war.
These were the main articles of the Anglo-Russian agreement, beyond which England reserved the right to raise at the Congress several secondary questions, such as the participation of Europe in the organization of both Bulgaria; the term of the Russian military occupation of Bulgaria and the passage through Romania; conditions of navigation on the Danube, all regulations relating to the Black Sea straits, etc.
On May 22, 1878, the German government sent out invitations to all the countries participating in the Paris Treaty of 1856 to gather for a congress in Berlin to discuss the terms of the “preliminary” peace treaty concluded in San Stefano between Russia and Turkey.
Representatives of the great powers had gathered in Berlin by June 1st. The first commissioners were the ministers who led foreign policy of their states: from Germany - Prince Bismarck, from Austria-Hungary - Count Andrássy, from England - Prime Minister Count Beaconsfield and Minister of Foreign Affairs Marquis of Salisbury, from France, Italy and Turkey - Foreign Ministers Waddington, Count Corti and Carathéodory Pasha . The Russian chancellor, Prince Gorchakov, although he was appointed the first commissioner, due to poor health did not take an active part in the meetings at which it fell to the second commissioner, Count Shuvalov, to defend the interests of Russia.
The Christian Balkan states - Greece, Romania, Serbia and Montenegro - also sent their representatives to Berlin, but they were admitted to the congress without the right to vote, and only the Greeks and Romanians were heard during the meetings.
The first meeting was held on June 1, it was devoted to the compilation of the bureau of the congress. Andrássy proposed Bismarck as chairman. The rest of the commissioners unanimously supported him. The German diplomat Radowitz was appointed secretary of the congress, and three officials of the Berlin foreign ministry and the first secretary of the French embassy became his assistants. The debate was on French, but Bismarck did not prevent the English commissioners from making their speeches in English language and even answered in English.
Before the congress moved on to the discussion of the articles of the San Stefano "preliminary" peace treaty, which dealt with Bulgaria in the first place, Lord Beaconsfield pointed out that the standing of the Russian army under the walls of Constantinople did not correspond to peaceful purposes. Gorchakov objected to this that the only goal of the Russian emperor was only to ensure the independent existence of the Christian subjects of the Porte, and Shuvalov added that during the three months of the standing of Russian troops near Constantinople there had not been a single clash with the Turks, while the withdrawal of the Russian army could lead to a serious disturbance. Bismarck, after listening to the debate, declared that this issue was not subject to discussion at all by the Congress and let the representatives of England and Russia decide it at private meetings, and only if an agreement was not reached between them, the Congress would act as a conciliator. Since then, the issue of the presence of the Russian army in San Stefano was not discussed at the congress, and the Russian troops and the British squadron in the Sea of Marmara remained in their previous positions.
At the next six sessions of the congress, issues related to Bulgaria were discussed. Its fate had already been sealed by a secret Russian-English agreement, signed on May 18 by Count Shuvalov and Lord Salisbury in London, which established that it should be divided into two parts north and south of the Balkans. At the congress, Lord Salisbury said that the main task of the San Stefano peace was to make Turkey completely dependent on Russia, while the goal of England is, "if not completely destroy the results of the war," then at least return part of Turkey's independence in order to it could protect its strategic, political and commercial interests. Count Shuvalov spoke out against it, noting that Russia came to the congress in order to coordinate its "preliminary" peace treaty with Turkey with the common interests of Europe, and not at all to "destroy the results of the war", which cost her great sacrifices.
The division of both parts of Bulgaria among themselves, and South Bulgaria, to which the congress assigned the name of Eastern Rumelia, with Turkey, was established at private meetings between the representatives of Russia and England with the participation of representatives of Austria-Hungary, so Russia had to agree to all the demands made on this issue not only the British, but also the Austrian cabinets. As a result, Eastern Rumelia was cut off from the Aegean Sea, and all of Macedonia was excluded from its composition, as well as from the composition of the Bulgarian principality. Count Shuvalov only managed to ensure that the Sofia Sanjak was included in the latter, although it is located south of the main Balkan ridge. Having yielded on territorial issues, the Russian representatives did not give up their positions on the issue of strict restriction of the right recognized for the Sultan to send Turkish troops in Eastern Rumelia in certain cases up to its very northern border.
Bismarck supported this demand and declared that the instructions given to him by the emperor Wilhelm ordered to secure for the Turkish Christians at least those advantages that were offered by the last conference of Constantinople. Therefore, the German chancellor considered it necessary to withdraw all Muslim troops from all areas inhabited by Christians and, leaving Turkish garrisons in some cities, completely remove them from the villages, where order should be maintained by the local militia. Bismarck expressed his fear that the failure of the Congress to accept the Russian proposals would lead to "the resumption of the deplorable phenomena that have already threatened world peace more than once." Russia and Germany were supported by France, and England had to give in on this issue.
The Austrian plenipotentiary Count Andrássy suggested that the two-year term for the presence of Russian troops in Bulgaria with the right to cross Romania be reduced to six months. The Italian plenipotentiary proposed a one-year term. The Russian representatives were quite satisfied with this, and Andrassy had to agree.
Thus changing the main articles of the Treaty of San Stefano concerning Bulgaria, the congress supplemented them with new decrees that protected the private interests of the Western powers in the newly created principalities and the autonomous region. Thus, the French Commissioner Waddington insisted on the introduction of an article on the inviolability of the ancestral rights of the Roman Catholic Church and its ministers both in Bulgaria and throughout the territory of the Ottoman Empire. At the suggestion of the representatives of Austria-Hungary, France and Italy, Bulgaria was subject to trade agreements concluded by the Porte with foreign states, as well as recognition by the Port of the rights and advantages of foreigners, consular jurisdiction and patronage of consuls over compatriots with the addition that no tax would be imposed on goods passing through the Bulgarian Principality. Count Andrássy insisted on recognizing as binding on Bulgaria all Turkey's obligations regarding the construction and operation of railways. The congress also decided that, regardless of the payment of a certain tribute to Turkey, the principality of Bulgaria must still take on an appropriate share of the Turkish state debt.
All these resolutions did not meet with any objections from the Russian representatives, and Count Shuvalov declared that Russia had no material interests in the Balkan Peninsula at all, but only moral interests.
The representatives of England proposed that Bosnia and Herzegovina be occupied by the troops of Austria-Hungary and "entrusted to its administration." To this, Gorchakov floridly stated that Russia was not interested in this matter, but that the statements he had heard “proved the validity of the proposed means for achieving the peaceful goal pursued by the Congress” (56. Book Two, p. 468).
The Turkish representatives tried to object to the exclusion from their country of two more regions left to it by the San Stefano peace. But Bismarck abruptly interrupted the Turks, declaring that “the congress met not to hold the geographical positions it desired for the Porte, but to establish the peace of Europe in the present and future” (56. Book. Second. P. 468), that instead of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey received by decision of the congress a much richer and more extensive area, stretching from the Aegean to the Balkans, and that the decisions of the congress are a single whole, "the benefits of which cannot be accepted, rejecting the disadvantages" (56. Book. Second. S. 468).
Representatives of Greece tried to achieve the right to be heard at the congress, they were supported by the representatives of England and France, but the congress limited itself only to approving the article of the San Stefano Treaty on the strict application of the charter of 1868 to the island of Crete and, without mentioning Thessaly and Epirus, pronounced in their favor transformation extended to all areas of European Turkey. Knowing that Greece and Turkey did not agree with the "rectification of the borders" established by the Congress, the Congress offered them the mediation of the great powers. When discussing questions relating to Greece, the Russian representatives declared that Russia had always taken equal care of the well-being of its co-religionists in Turkey, without distinction between tribes, and if during the last war her concern was mainly directed at the Bulgarians, it was only because Bulgaria was a the main reason for the war itself and served as its theater. But Russia always wanted to extend to the Greek regions the advantages she had bargained for in favor of the regions inhabited by Bulgarians.
At the suggestion of England, the congress singled out in a separate article the establishment of complete religious freedom throughout the territory of the Ottoman Empire and the equality of all subjects of the Sultan without distinction of religion. The French representatives insisted on a reservation to this article that it did not limit the special rights of France and that nothing would be changed in the present position of the Holy Places in Palestine.
At the suggestion of Austria-Hungary, the congress adopted a number of articles confirming the established treaties of 1856 and 1871. freedom of navigation on the Danube and determining the conditions for this navigation.
The Turkish plenipotentiary raised the question of indemnity to Russia. He declared that her size greatly exceeded Turkey's ability to pay, and asked the Congress to find it impossible for the Porte to assume an obligation that she could not fulfill. Bismarck replied sternly that this obligation had already been accepted by Turkey at San Stefano, and the Russian representatives reassured the British and French that the monetary indemnity would not be converted into territorial increments and that Russia recognized the pre-emptive right to satisfy the creditors of the Porte, who lent her money before the conclusion of peace.
The Congress was already drawing to a close when one of the London newspapers published the terms of the secret Russian-English agreement, which caused an uproar in British society and the press. Especially went to Lord Beaconsfield for excessive, from the point of view of the English public, concessions to Russia. The frightened Lord Salisbury told Count Shuvalov that he, as the person who signed the protocol on May 18, was now forced to resign, after which the British cabinet would revoke his consent to the annexation of Batum to Russia.
Count Shuvalov was greatly puzzled by this turn of affairs and again asked for Bismarck's mediation. He told Lord Beaconsfield that by retreating from her obligations to Russia, England thereby violated her obligations to Germany, since he decided to convene a congress in Berlin only after a secret Russian-English agreement was presented to him. Beaconsfield replied that after Shuvalov confirmed Russia's refusal from Bayazet and the Alashkert Valley awarded by the Treaty of San Stefano and announced the intention of the Russian emperor to turn Batum into a free port, he did not object to the transfer of Batum, Ardagan and Kars under Russian dominion.
Recognizing these acquisitions of Russia in Asia, the congress approved the cession of the Turkish city of Hotura with the district agreed in San Stefano to Persia and the benefits granted by the Sultan to his Armenian subjects.
At the end of the congress, Lord Salisbury and Count Shuvalov exchanged speeches in which each defended his interpretation of the closure of the Black Sea straits to foreign warships. But the congress did not take any decision on the straits. The question was too serious, and its further discussion threatened to disrupt the congress.
On July 1, 1878, representatives of the great powers signed a treatise consisting of 64 articles, significantly different in content from the San Stefano Peace.
A few days before the start of the Berlin Congress, England signed a defensive alliance treaty with Turkey in Constantinople, where it was bound if Batum, Ardagan and Kars or any of these fortresses fell to Russia, or if Russia ever encroached on any part of Turkish possessions in Asia, to defend all these areas with weapons in their hands. And in return, the sultan promised to introduce in his Asian possessions all the transformations agreed with England and provide all his Christian subjects and others with order and control and all protection, and also transfer the island of Cyprus to the control of the British for occupation by English troops.
And at the congress itself, the British Prime Minister and Foreign Minister signed a secret agreement with the French Foreign Minister, which ensured France's friendly neutrality of England in the event that the long-standing plans of the French in Tunisia were carried out and this area was subordinated to the French protectorate.
On July 15, 1878, Alexander II ratified the Treaty of Berlin in St. Petersburg. Its promulgation was not accompanied by an imperial manifesto, but a few days later, on July 27, a lengthy official message appeared in the Government Bulletin, outlining the view of the imperial cabinet on the act that "crowned the war." It began with the statement that last war was undertaken by Russia "not out of calculation, not out of material benefits or ambitious political plans, but out of a feeling that drowns out all extraneous motives, out of a Christian feeling, a feeling of philanthropy, that feeling that seizes every honest person at the sight of flagrant evil." This was followed by a lengthy retelling of diplomatic negotiations before, during and after the war, the results achieved at the Berlin Congress were reported, characterized as imperfect, but nevertheless significant for Russia and for the Christian population of the East. This was followed by an exposition of the political program which Russia intended to follow in the future in the Eastern Question. On the one hand, the imperial court is “imbued with a sense of solidarity with Europe”, and on the other hand, it considers the liberation of the Christians of the East “our historical mission”, and the Treaty of Berlin is a step towards achieving this goal, albeit acquired at a high price. Russia, which "did not bargain either out of its victims or out of its successes", will continue to "draw Europe to the common cause" and at the same time faithfully fulfill its obligations. It is not in vain that "the Russian people have subordinated their victorious rights to the supreme interests of the common peace and solidarity of peoples." His sacrifices have already borne fruit and will bear even more in the future. The final outcome of the Eastern question is nothing more than a matter of time, because, "despite the temporary obstacles generated by the passions, vices and weaknesses of people, humanity is moving towards the same steady goals that are intended for it by Providence." The message ended with the words: “The Berlin Congress was only a rest, a stop on this difficult path. Evaluating it from this point of view, Russia finds faith in the future in the past.
At a meeting with the emperor, Gorchakov sadly said: "The Berlin Congress is the blackest page in my official career." Alexander replied: "And in mine too."
The strategic miscalculation of both Gorchakov and Alexander II himself was that they assessed the foreign policy situation and forces according to the speeches of politicians (ah, Disraeli said, ah, Andrássy noticed), not paying attention to the real balance of forces in Europe and the consequences of certain threats from England or Austria-Hungary.
England was powerless to wage war with Russia without the help of the strong European armies. Due to the geographical location of Russia, taking into account the developed network of railways, the British fleet could not even carry out an effective naval blockade of Russia.
The Austro-Hungarian army would certainly have lost in a one-on-one war, and the patchwork empire could have collapsed, as happened in 1918.
Finally, consider the worst-case scenario for Russia. The German Empire supports Austria and their combined armies inflict severe defeat Russian army. So what? Both Austerlitz and Friedland were pinpricks for the vast Russian Empire. Well, Russia would conclude unfavorable, but not shameful world. The Berlin peace was shameful, as Russia capitulated without a military defeat. What could Russia lose in the event of an unsuccessful war in 1878? The maximum is the Privislensky province, inhabited by Poles. And let the Germans alone deal with the violent gentlemen. But on the other hand, the whole of Europe would be under the German boot. This would have been followed by the construction at the shipyards of a united Europe of a huge fleet, exceeding the tonnage of the British, then - a serious conversation with the mistress of the seas about her overseas colonies. Considering the natural greed of enlightened sailors, it is safe to say that they would have seized the colonies with their teeth. Well, this would lead to war, and Germanized Europe, having powerful fleet, would easily cross the English Channel.
Would anyone venture to assert that these are the author's fantasies? After all, the German Empire followed this path from 1870 to 1914, even without the defeat of Russia in 1878.
All leading British politicians assessed the prospects for the development of European relations in the event of Russia's defeat in the war with Germany. This is eloquently evidenced by their later published informal correspondence. The difference in the positions of British politicians was only in how far to go in a bluff, threatening Russia with war. So it was in 1878, so it will be in 1885 and 1904-1905.
The British authorities simultaneously carried out a double bluff. On the one hand, scaring Russia with war, and on the other, scaring their own population, and at the same time the whole of Europe, with the passion of Russian tsars for world domination. No doubt, sometimes the same Alexander I (after 1814, of course) or Nicholas I sometimes pretended to be the rulers of Europe. But in fact, both the tsars and the Russian nobles were alien to the idea of dominating Europe, not to mention the whole world.
Russia is not England or France and has never tried to be an empire on which the sun never sets. If Russia only in the XVIII century. instead of wars with Turkey, would take up the seizure of lands around the world, then for 1/5 of the funds spent on Turkish wars, she could create a colonial empire cleaner than the English one. But Russia did not need foreign lands. Russia only defended itself. Passive defense in the south of the country from the Tatars and Turks in the XVI-XVII centuries. did not justify itself, and in the XVIII - XIX centuries. active defense, including preventive actions, already prevailed.
It's good to talk about the return of the cross to Hagia Sophia. And then what? Why does Russia need two million Gentiles, of which one and a half million at any moment, at the call of fanatical mullahs and dervishes, can revolt and start slaughtering Christians? And what to do with the Patriarch of Constantinople and five hundred thousand Greeks? Subordinate the patriarch to the St. Petersburg Synod or, on the contrary, the Synod to the patriarch? Russian and Greek church faith - Orthodoxy, but they have significant differences. At a distance they have brotherly love, but try to merge them?
All this is only an insignificant part of the problems that would arise with the annexation of Constantinople. Therefore, any calls - "Constantinople sooner or later, but it must be ours" - should be considered only as propaganda slogans. An illiterate peasant cannot explain the strategic aspects of the defense of the Black Sea and the intricacies of the obstacles put up by the Turks to Russian trade, which is why the slogans are needed: “Let's save the brothers of the Slavs”, “Give a cross to Hagia Sophia”.
And, by the way, what did the Russians take away from the Turks during five centuries of wars and confrontation? Azov and Ochakov? But these are not Turkish lands, but military bases built by the Turks on foreign territory. Their purpose was to prevent Russian merchant and military ships from the Don and Dnieper from entering the Black Sea.
Caucasus? But both the Caucasus and Transcaucasia have never been inhabited by Turks. There were virtually independent public entities who occasionally paid tribute to the Turks.
Russian troops liberated only Romania and Bulgaria from the Turks. That's all!
So who ruined the Great Ottoman Empire? Who captured 80% of its territory? Yes, that same enlightened Europe that was so concerned that the “Muscovites” would take Istanbul. It was Europe that pitted Russia against Turkey for five centuries. And for five centuries diligently gnawed off the Turkish lands. In fairness, it should be noted that Europe also encroached on Russian territories. But, alas, such attempts ended in failure, and the Russian troops, in response, ended up near Stockholm, in Berlin and in Paris.
But Turkey, busy with the war with the "Muscovites", turned out to be a tasty morsel for Europe. France "gobbled up" Algeria, Tunisia, Syria, encroached on Egypt. But in the end Egypt went to England along with Mesopotamia, Palestine and Cyprus. Italy captured Libya and the islands in the Aegean. Austria took Hungary, Transylvania, Bosnia and other territories from the Turks.
Alas, the Turkish authorities were stupid and stubborn, and it was impossible to come to a reasonable agreement with them without the use of brute force. In January 1878 it was possible to use force and take the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles without a fight. Russia did not need Constantinople, but two powerful fortresses in the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles could ensure the security of Russia's southern borders for a long time.
In January 1878 there was some chance of concluding a separate mutual peace with Turkey. This was also evidenced by the words of the Turkish Sultan Abdul Hamid II, who told the new Russian ambassador, Prince A. B. Lobanov-Rostovsky: “It depended on you to bind us with bonds of gratitude, softening such difficult conditions of the San Stefano Treaty. You did not want anything and preferred to arouse the powers and public opinion against you. In vain do you think that the Turks are not at all tenacious. I told the Grand Duke that Turkey was then ready even to conclude a defensive and offensive treaty with Russia, if you would only agree to cancel some of the impracticable articles of the last treaty. But you were deaf. I am free from any obligations, but the salvation of the rest of my empire makes it necessary for me to look elsewhere for support, if Russia has indeed sworn to destroy us! (Despatch of Lobanov-Rostovsky to Prince Gorchakov dated May 11, 1878). (56. Book two. S. 480-481).
After the end of the Berlin Congress, Turkish troops handed over to the Russian fortresses: Shumla (July 7), Varna (July 27) and Batum (August 25).
On August 27, 1878, Alexander II wrote to General Totleben: “The occupation of Batum without a fight and the cordial welcome given to the troops by our residents, who, according to the Turks and their English patrons, were so hostile to us, was a joyful event for me, concluded the fruits of the past war ”(56. Book. Second. S. 481).
On August 5, 1878, a grandiose parade of Russian troops took place in San Stefano in the presence of high Turkish dignitaries and foreign ambassadors. The parade was visible even from Constantinople. After that, the gradual evacuation of Russian troops began. Some of them were transported by Russian ships to Odessa and Sevastopol, and some moved on foot through Bulgaria.
On September 15, the main apartment of the active Russian army was moved to Adrianople. She stayed there for five months. Further evacuation had to be suspended due to a number of circumstances that caused the Russian government to fear that the obligations imposed on Turkey by the Berlin Conference would not be fulfilled. These circumstances were: the uprising of Muslims that broke out in the Rhodope Mountains; the formation of the Albanian League and resistance to its transfer to the Montenegrins of the territories awarded to them by the congress; the cruelties committed by the Turks against Christians in the areas cleared by the Russian troops, as the Turkish authorities returned to them. But the main reason for such a long stay in Adrianople of the commander-in-chief and his headquarters and the delay in the return of the Russian army to their homeland was the Porte's evasion from concluding a final peace treaty with Russia, which was supposed to confirm all the articles that were not canceled by the Berlin Congress.
The difficult task of getting the Sultan to sign this treaty was entrusted to Ambassador Lobanov-Rostovsky. He had to fight not only with the usual tactics of Turkish dignitaries, who had a habit of slowing things down through various delays, but also with the hostile influence on the Port of representatives of other European powers. The endless changes in the composition of the government of the Ottoman Empire also served as a big obstacle to the success of the negotiations.
Finally, on January 27, 1879, the final peace treaty between Russia and Turkey was signed in Constantinople.
As S. Tatishchev wrote, “this act established peace and friendship between both empires; it was announced that the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin replaced the articles of the Treaty of San Stefano, modified or repealed by Congress; the next cash reward from Turkey to Russia is determined at 802.5 million francs, and the method of payment is provided for later approval; compensation to Russian subjects for losses is limited to 2,675,000 francs; it is necessary to settle and pay mutual accounts for the maintenance of prisoners of war; given to the inhabitants of the areas ceded to Russia to leave them within a three-year period with the right to sell their real estate; forgiveness was promised to persons caught in relations with the enemy during the war, and those of the Ottoman subjects with their families who wish this were allowed to leave Turkey together with the Russian army; an amnesty was granted to all Ottoman subjects who took part in the events preceding the war and were subjected to exile or any other punishment for this; all the treaties and obligations of both parties, suspended by the war, concerning trade or rights granted in Turkey to Russian subjects, are again put into effect; The port undertook to consider all the claims of Russian subjects and give them satisfaction ”(56. Book. Second. S. 483-484).
In conclusion of the chapter, it is worth saying a few words about the fate of Batum and Kars. Alexander II did not even think of fulfilling the decision of the Berlin Congress, which proclaimed Batum a free city, the port of which was to be used only for trade purposes. Immediately after the departure of the Turkish garrison in Batum, the construction of coastal and land batteries began.
On November 4, 1880, the highest command was issued: "to call the fortification under construction near Batum Mikhailovsky." Let us note that all the fortresses were called by the names of the cities located nearby: St. Petersburg, Smolensk, Kronstadt, Vladivostok, and here, for conspiracy, Mikhailovskaya, and even not a fortress, but a “fortification”. In 1880–1881 sixteen 11-inch guns mod. 1867, sixteen 9-inch mortars mod. 1867, twenty 6-inch guns weighing 190 pounds, twenty-four 24-pound (152-mm) guns, sixteen 6-pound fortress mortars mod. 1867 etc.
Batum really became a free port, that is, a port in which duty-free import and export of goods was carried out. Within a few years, the population of the city increased to 30 thousand people. Batum grew rich. In 1883, the city and the fortress were connected to Central Russia by the Samtredi-Batum railway line. But in 1886 the free port status was abolished, and Batum became an ordinary city of the empire.
The following year, 1887, the "fig leaf" from the "fortification" was removed, and the existence of the Mikhailovsky fortress in Batum was officially announced.
Kars became the most powerful Russian land fortress in Asia. By the beginning of 1888, the fortress was armed with 491 guns. Among them were: 9-8-inch lightweight guns mod. 1867, 5-6-inch guns in 190 pounds arr. 1877, 116-24-pounder (152 mm) guns mod. 1867, 4–8 inch mortars mod. 1867, 41–6-inch mortar mod. 1867 etc.
In addition, 128 more or less modern Turkish cannons, taken in 1877–1878, were stored in the fortress. Among them was even one 6-inch Whitworth breech-loading gun with a polygonal barrel and three hundred shells for it.
In addition, after the Russian-Turkish war, the siege weapons of the Caucasus Park were transferred from the fortress of Adrianople to Kars. By 1885, among them were: 44-24-pound copper guns mod. 1867, 5–6 inch guns mod. 1877 in 190 pounds, 38-8-inch mortars arr. 1867 and 1877, 32–6-inch mortars mod. 1867, 30–2-pood smooth mortars arr. 1838 and 32-9-pounder (107 mm) guns mod. 1867
In 1899 the railway line Tiflis - Kars was put into operation.
Thus, the fortress of Kars in the mid-80s became a hard nut to crack for both the Turkish army and for any British expeditionary force, if it dared to appear on Caucasian theater military actions. And the material part of the Caucasian siege park was enough to take any fortress in the Asian part of Turkey.
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From the book Vienna. Story. Legends. lore author Nechaev Sergey YurievichJune 1st 1878 in Berlin chaired Bismarck opened congress, which was attended by the states that signed the Treaty of Paris in 1856. The purpose of the congress for governments West :
- weakening of Russia's influence in the Middle East and the assertion of the leading role of states Western Europe in the Middle East
- subjugation of the newly created Slavic states in the Balkans to the policies of Western governments.
On the congress Russia was able isolation, England led the anti-Russian bloc of states. She supported Austria-Hungary's claims to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its plans to push Russia out of the Balkans. France, fearing for its capital in Turkey, did not want the independence of the Balkan states. Bismarck actually supported the anti-Russian bloc. Caused the most controversy Bulgarian question: about the border and status. The Russian delegation at the Berlin Congress was represented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs A.M. Gorchakov. The Russian delegation on many issues was forced to deviate from the terms of the San Stefano Treaty, because it a). found itself in a state of isolation, b) was afraid of a possible war with a united Europe, c) the revolutionary movement intensified in the country.
Decisions of the Berlin Congress(remained in effect until Balkan wars 1912 - 1913):
- Romania, Serbia and Montenegro gained independence (confirmation of the terms of the San Stefano Treaty)
- Bulgaria along the Balkan ridge was divided into two parts - Northern and Southern. Northern Bulgaria recognized as a vassal principality(vassal of Turkey), its territory is reduced by 2/3 . The tenure of the Russian army has been reduced from 2 years to 9 months. Southern Bulgaria entitled Eastern Rumelia announced autonomous Turkish province.
England received the island of Cyprus for its support of Turkey.
Austria occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The war had positive consequences for the Balkan peoples. Two factors: internal - the national liberation struggle of the Balkan peoples and external - the Russian-Turkish war - led to their liberation from Turkish tyranny.
Most of the Russian society was dissatisfied with the decisions of the Congress, primarily in relation to Bulgaria. In addition, the war led to a financial crisis, inflation, which in turn caused public discontent. This was one of the reasons for the political crisis of 1879-1881.
The Russian-Turkish war and the decisions of the Berlin Congress aggravated the Austro-Russian contradictions in the Balkans, showed the fragility of the Union of the Three Emperors, and accelerated the German-Austrian rapprochement that emerged after the Franco-Prussian war.
Russo-Turkish war revealed the sharpness contradictions in the Union of the Three Emperors. She speeded up the folding German-Austrian alliance, which in turn contributed Russian-French rapprochement. Germany sought to strengthen its position in the Middle East, which posed a danger to Russia and France.
In 1883 Gorchakova at the post foreign minister replaced Gears(epoch of Alexander III). Girs did not have Gorchakov's international prestige, but he was practical, cautious, well versed in people and the international situation. Alexander III had a strong mind, but a small outlook.
1881 - Renewal of the Union of the Three Emperors(for three years) (it was about maintaining neutrality if one of the states is at war with a fourth country). Reasons: strong economic ties with Germany, the desire to keep Austria-Hungary from aggressive actions in the Balkans. For Russia, it was a way out of isolation after the Berlin Congress. AT 1884– a new agreement was signed between these three states (for three years). AT 1887 signed reinsurance contract between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia for a period of three years, i.e. The Union of the Three Emperors was extended for another three years. In 1890, the Union of the Three Emperors ceased to exist.
Triple Alliance. Strong European powers led fight for division of the world. England and France were the first to start this struggle, gradually losing their positions (in terms of economic development) Germany. AT 1882 an agreement was signed between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy - the Triple Alliance: the parties agreed not to participate in alliances against one of them and on the provision of military assistance in the event of an attack on one of the countries of France. The triple alliance was directed primarily against France. He aggravated the situation in the world. Until 1890, the Triple Alliance existed in parallel with the Union of the Three Emperors. In both alliances, the leading role belonged to Germany. 70s - 80s strengthened its hegemony in Europe. Germany began the struggle to create a German colonial empire.
AT 1891-1893 Russia and France signed a political agreement and a military convention on joint action Russia and France in case one of the parties is threatened by Germany or Austria-Hungary. Thus was created Russian-French alliance.
Main resultforeign policy Russia:
The international status of Russia has been restored
Expanded territory of Russia
The borders of Russia have been fortified.
The formation of two opposing blocks - tripartite alliance and Russian-French alliance Led to deepening conflicts in Europe. The great European powers fought for dividing the world into spheres of influence.
Far Eastern direction Russia's foreign policy - relations with China, Japan and the United States.
