How the stone point was attached to the arrow is shown by later analogues, where the stone was simply replaced by iron. Two riveted bone plates 9.5-17.0 cm long were attached to the shaft, and in turn, a flat triangular tip made of sheet or boiler iron 4-10 cm long was inserted into them (Bogoraz 1901: Pl. IX, 3; 8 ; Ukhtomsky 1913: 110–111. Fig. 3). The iron point of Koryak arrows was held in the horn tip by a rivet (Vdovin 1971: 290). In more early time stone was used instead of iron. The flint point could also be inserted directly into the cut of the shaft, as we see with the laurel-shaped point 8.5 cm long from the MAE (No. 752-52). Moreover, this type of tip with a cutting attachment prevailed on the coast of Eastern Chukotka as early as the 1st millennium (Arutyunov and Sergeev 1969: 130; cf.: Rudenko 1947: 82–83; Orekhov 1977). A similar stone tip had less penetrating power when fired, and was designed for the stratification of its material “from dark crystal found in the mountains” (KPTs. No. 70: 183), which led to blood poisoning (cf.: Sokolov 1852: 103 (Fr. Unalaska)). And to strengthen this action in the middle of the XVIII century. the points were smeared with poison from the juice of the buttercup grass root, from which “a person, having received an ulcer with an arrow, will soon swell up and die” (KPTs. No. 70: 183); this testimony of the Cossack B. Kuznetsky (1756) is repeated almost verbatim in the report of the Chukchi Hekhgitit (1763) (KPTs. No. 71: 186; Sergeeva 1962: 85; Malaurie 1974: 143) . Aconite juice as a poison was used for a similar purpose by the Itelmens, as well as the Aleuts and Ainu (Krasheninnikov 1949: 404; Steller 1927: 22; Middendorf 1869. Otdel. 5: 601).
Chukchi arrows with iron tips made of sheet iron, inserted into bone sockets, fixed on the shafts.
Reproduced after: Ukhtomsky 1913: NO, fig. Za, b, c, d, e, f
The bone arrowheads of the Chukchi, apparently, were made by themselves, because the production of arrows - the most expendable type of weapon - was one of the duties of men (Merck 1978: 116; cf.: Bakhtin 2000: 229). The same applies to the combined iron-and-bone arrowheads that the Chukchi made from boiler metal (Ukhtomsky 1913: 116; Bogoraz-Tan 1934: 13–14). iron tips good quality, sometimes, as V. G. Bogoraz (1991: 91) points out, with vegetable notches made of copper and brass on the sleeve, they were purchased from Russians in Kolyma or Anadyr, as well as from Koryaks. They were highly valued: they were often covered with fur caps (skin inside) to protect against dampness and rust. These covers were often made from the skin taken from the legs of a deer calf (Bogoraz 1991: 144. Fig. 74k, 1) .
Chukchi arrows with bone tips:
a - dagger-shaped; b - leaf-shaped; c, d, f - needle-shaped; e - tip with asymmetric spikes.
Reproduced from: Bogoraz 1901: Tab. VIII, 2-7
A participant in the campaign, D. I. Pavlutsky, noted that typical arrows among the Chukchi are equipped with two- or three-sided tips made of walrus tusks (Vdovin 1965: 35; cf.: Dall 1870: 379 (triangular tips are characteristic of Asian Eskimos)). The number of faces could reach five (MAE. No. 752-77). Obviously, these tips were both combat and hunting, intended for hunting big game (Ukhtomsky 1913: 111; Volkov, Rudenko 1910: 178). Such arrowheads, typical of the Eskimos, were about 20 cm long and mounted on a 50–69 cm shaft (Ukhtomsky 1913: 106–107. Fig. 1; cf.: Nelson 1899: PI. LXIa, 1). Similar bone arrowheads are known as early as the Punuk time (VI-XVI centuries) on the western coast of Chukotka and are obviously of Eskimo origin (Dikov 1979: Fig. 89, 14; cf.: Orekhov 1977: 112. Fig. 18-4; 18-8).
Many tips we cannot accurately determine whether they are hunting or combat. The arrowheads that could be used in war differed in shape and material from which they were made (compare with the classification of Koryak arrows: Vdovin 1971: 283–291).
Let us also note other types of bone arrowheads kept in the collections of the REM:
Leaf-shaped tip 15 cm long with a forked heel (Ukhtomsky 1913: 108).
A tetrahedral tip of an asymmetrically rhombic shape 12 cm long with an arrow length of 71 cm. It was inserted with a handle into the shaft and wrapped with tape for strength (Ukhtomsky 1913: 108. Fig. 1b).
Heavy two-bladed tips ending in spines, sometimes asymmetrical (Ukhtomsky 1913: 108–109. Fig. 1c). Such a point was relatively small (the exhibit in the MAE has a length of 7 cm), it inflicted a large wound, leading to profuse blood loss. As corporal G. G. Sheikin noted (1750s), such small arrowheads were attached to the shaft very weakly, apparently with glue, so that they remained in the body when the arrow was removed (AII, f. 36, op. 1, no. 643, sheet 585; cf. Vdovin 1965: 37; Merck 1978: 116). Arrows with this tip were probably the most common (cf. Merck 1978: 116). Note that, judging by the Eskimo parallels, arrows with similar but larger tips were intended for hunting large game and, obviously, for war (cf. Jacobsen 1884: 8–9; Burch 1998: 69–70).
Chukchi bone arrowheads:
a, c - with asymmetric spikes, b - asymmetrically rhombic; g - w - needle-shaped.
Reproduced after: Ukhtomsky 1913: 106, fig. la, b, c, d, e, f, g
Another class of Chukchi arrowheads known from ethnographic collections are iron:
Chukchi arrows with iron tetrahedral tips:
a, b, c - elongated triangular; d, d - needle; e - elongated rhombic; g - needle, made from a polished file; h - elongated triangular on a long neck.
Reproduced after: Ukhtomsky 1913: 114, fig. 6a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h
tetrahedral tips, which E. D. Ukhtomsky (1913: 114-115. Fig. 6a - d) considers, due to the thoroughness of processing, acquired from Russians or Koryaks;
needle tips (Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 6d, e, g); iron tips on a long neck (Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 6f, h);
warhead tips with a thickening-point expanding from above (Bogoraz 1901: Pl. IX, 6; Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 4e, f);
double-edged tips 12–24 cm long, imitating the shape of needle-shaped bone ones, with a shaft 75–81 cm long (Ukhtomsky 1913: 114–115. Fig. 4a–d). Similar tips were used by the Eskimos to hunt sea animals (see: Jacobser 1884: Fig. 21);
Arrows with iron tips:
a, c - diamond-shaped; b - leaf-shaped; d, d - spiked with a long neck; e - and - forked.
Reproduced after: Ukhtomsky 1913: 113, fig. 5a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i
flat forked tips 7–5 cm long (with an arrow length of 66–84 cm) were used for hunting water birds and small game (Ukhtomsky 1913: 113–114. Fig. 5a–d) In war they could be used in emergency cases;
leaf-shaped or diamond-shaped tips 9-15 cm long, the total length of the arrows was 67-85 cm (Bogoraz 1901: Pl. IX, 11-12; Ukhtomsky 1913: 111. Fig. 5g, h, i; cf.: MAE. No. 611 ―114);
small arrowheads with symmetrical or asymmetrical spines and a long neck (Ukhtomsky 1913: 113. Fig. 5e, 0;
an arrow-knife made from an old knife (Ukhtomsky 1913: 115. Fig. 4g). Such an arrow was supposed to inflict large bleeding wounds.
Tips with a blunt wooden point (tomars) were purely hunting, intended for knocking down and stunning game (Bogoraz 1901: Pl. VIII, 10–11; IX, 10).
All these types of arrows existed in the 19th century. In general, the arrowheads of the Chukchi are very large and apparently intended to inflict a deep wound on the enemy, who must suffer from profuse blood loss. Long faceted tips could be designed to pierce the shell and enter the body of the enemy. The large iron points are quite heavy and unbalanced, which reduces the flight range. However, as already noted, it is often quite difficult to distinguish between combat arrows and those intended for hunting large game.
This publication examines various aspects of the military affairs of the Chukchi throughout the era known to us from written and other sources, starting from the second half of XVII century, when the Chukchi first encountered the Siberian Cossacks, and until the beginning of the 20th century, when there were still clashes on the basis of blood feud. Information is drawn on neighboring peoples, Asian and American Eskimos, Koryaks and Russians, which makes it possible to better reveal the features of the military affairs of the Chukchi. The book is the first work in historiography devoted to the military affairs of the Chukchi. It will be useful not only to ethnographers, but also to the widest range of readers interested in military affairs.
The work belongs to the genre of Documentary Literature. It was published in 2003 by the Petersburg Oriental Studies publishing house. On our site you can download the book "Military Affairs of the Chukchi" in fb2, rtf, epub, pdf, txt format or read online. The rating of the book is 4.83 out of 5. Here, before reading, you can also refer to the reviews of readers who are already familiar with the book and find out their opinion. In the online store of our partner you can buy and read the book in paper form.
Military affairs of the Chukchi (mid-17th-early 20th century) Nefedkin Alexander Konstantinovich
WAR
WAR
War and Peace
Causes of the war Chukchi with different ethnic groups were different, the earliest of them were social: disputes, kidnapping of women, quarrels with a fatal outcome and the blood feud that followed. Also in the early era, hostilities could also begin with disputes over hunting grounds, which was especially common among coastal residents during their fishing on canoes. The crew of the canoe usually swam into foreign territory in difficult climatic conditions and was captured there, sometimes they were killed, because of which the coastal inhabitants were at enmity with each other (Baboshina 1958. No. 67: 164-167; Sergeeva 1962: 82-85; 103-104; Menovshchikov 1985. No. 56: 125-127; 1987. No. 1: 25-27; cf.: Krupnik 2000: 437). The reason for the start of hostilities could also be a gross violation of the norms of behavior established by custom, such as, for example, the murder of an envoy (Baboshina 1958. No. 100: 242). All these and similar conflicts then resulted in a blood feud, which was the usual reason for the subsequent war (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 437; 1974. No. 19: 106-107; No. 30: 135-136; No. 83: 293; 1988. No. 99; 100; 130).
In the second half of the XVII - early XVIII in. the Chukchi waged major wars against the Lower Kolyma and Anadyr Cossacks, who stubbornly tried to impose yasak on them and call them into Russian citizenship, that is, the war acquired a political character. Relations between Russians and Chukchi in the last third of the 17th century. the Pentecostal M. Kolesov from the Nizhnekolymsk prison (1679) clearly draws: “And to the lower yasak winter quarters, the non-peaceful people of the chyukhchi migrated and live from the winter quarters to the bottom, and guard the Russian people and the yasak ones, and how they are captured, and those people are tortured with all sorts of different torments, but in abundance they end up with a shameful death ”(DAY. 1862. Vol. VIII, No. 3? 4: 9). The Chukchi did not have a better opinion of the servicemen. Here is how one Chukchi tale describes their behavior during the collection of yasak: “It was a bad time. There was a large camp on the shore of the estuary. Tangas often came there with scary faces. They shouted loudly. They demanded that the people of the camp work for them and give them all the prey from the hunt ”(Kozlov 1956: 27).
In the XVIII century. the causes of the war change - the process of evolution goes on - more selfish (economic) motives appear. With nomadic Koryaks in the 18th century. there was a permanent war over deer herds. As I. S. Vdovin (1944: 261) proves, until the beginning of this century, the Chukchi came into contact with the Koryaks only at the mouth of the Anadyr (they were separated along the course of the river itself by the Yukagirs who lived here), only the active participation of the Koryaks in Russian expeditions, starting from 1702, led to the beginning of the Koryak-Chukotka wars. However, it should immediately be noted that the rare Yukaghir population on this river could hardly serve as some kind of barrier for the Chukchi campaigns against the Koryaks, because in the legends of the latter back in late XVIII- early 19th century there was information about the extermination of the Koryaks by the Chukchi, with the exception of a few families long before the Russians came to the region (Mamyshev 1809: 22; cf.: Beretti 1929: 5?6). Even in the middle of the XVIII century. merchant N. Shalaurov specifically blamed the mercenary leaders of the Anadyr Chukchi for the raids (Belov 1954: 179). Moreover, raids were carried out on nomadic Koryaks, while they preferred to trade with settled ones for mutual benefit. I. S. Vdovin (1950: 83) believes that the first raid of the Chukchi on deer Koryaks took place in 1720 (see: Nul ... 1866. No. 17: 4; contra: Gurvich 1982: 202). However, A. S. Zuev (20026: 248) cites the testimony of deer Koryaks dated April 5, 1711, according to which the Chukchi attacked the Penzhin Koryaks and stole their deer. Since the reindeer Koryaks were yasak by this time, the Russians stood up for them, as for their subjects, and carried out a number of expeditions in order to bring the Chukchi into obedience and explain (cf.: From Irkutsk ... 1814: 3). Here is how captain T. I. Shmalev described the situation in his note (1778): “The Chukchi with Her loyal subjects Imperial Majesty Koryaks have long had disagreements: they went on campaigns against each other and committed mortal murders and robberies, which caused anxiety to the Russian military people who were obliged to protect the Koryaks ”(Shakhovskoy 1866: 307). However, the Anadyr team still could not successfully resist the raids of the Chukchi because of the large areas that the servicemen had to control. Usually they carried the guard, prevented the Chukchi from crossing the Anadyr, or, conversely, caught up with the raiders (Shashkov 1864: 77; cf.: Lindenau 1983: 103; Belov 1954: 180?181). The enmity between the Chukchi and the Koryaks went so deep that it was also projected onto the afterlife: in 1777, the Koryaks explained the red spots in the sky during the northern lights by saying that it was the blood of their ancestors, who were fighting with the Chukchi on spears in the sky (Alekseev 1958: 56 ). This continued until 1771, when the Anadyr prison was finally abolished, and the Chukchi, in search of new pastures, began to cross the Anadyr and settle in the southern territories where the Koryaks lived (Vdovin 1962: 154–155). Although the Chukchi themselves claimed that they went on campaigns against the Koryaks for the sake of hunting deer, but, according to Russian documents of the 18th century, they did this for the sake of pastures (Vdovin 1965: 67; cf.: Vdovin 1970: 22?23 (song of Naikhye); Yokhelson 1997: 223). Apparently, here the consequences are given instead of the cause: as a result of the withdrawal of the Koryaks, the Chukchi occupied pastures south of Anadyr. After 1771, the northeastern part of the nomadic Koryaks were left face to face with the enemy, while others for the winter (the most dangerous time) migrated to the Gizhigi fortress, hoping that in the event of an attack by the Chukchi, the Russians would come to their aid (Kosven 1962: 282? 283; 287; compare: AII, f. 36, op. 1, No. 643, l. 585). However, in the 1770s detachments of servicemen were sent out from the prison to protect the Koryaks from the Chukchi (Gurvich 1966: NO). Only in 1781 did the Gizhigin authorities agree with the Anadyr Chukchi to stop the attacks of the latter on the Koryaks, who, after the conclusion of peace, ventured to migrate from the fortress to Anadyr and Kamchatka only in 1800 (Shakhovskoy 1822: 288). However, if the major raids stopped, then the enmity was not forgotten. In 1808, the Kamchatka commandant, Major General I. G. Petrovsky, asserted that the Chukchi “are almost constantly fighting with their neighbors, the reindeer Koryaks, over an ancient, some kind of irreconcilable enmity” (Semivsky 1817: 77, note. (second pagination) ; cf.: Lesseps 1801. Part II: 155). Later, in 1867, G. Maidel (1925: 25) noted: “Bloody skirmishes have not happened for a long time, but all kinds of robberies and theft are in use in places where Chukchi camps are located near Koryak camps and therefore they try to live away from each other? . Thus, in the middle of the XIX century. in the border area there were small predatory raids on neighboring Koryaks, so both peoples preferred to have a neutral strip of land between them.
According to legend, in more ancient times only the Yukagirs-Alai fought against the Chukchi, while the Omoks and Kolyma did not encounter them (Iokhelson 1900a: 186; 1900. No. 96: 210?211; Gurvich 1966: 53). The clashes between the Chukchi and the yasak Yukaghirs and Chuvans also occurred because the latter supplied auxiliary contingents to the Cossack detachments (second half of the 17th - mid-18th centuries), although peaceful relations had previously prevailed between them. The Chukchi attacked the Yukagirs with the aim of plundering, capturing women and children, stealing deer (AII, f. 36, op. 1, no. 643, fol. 583? , 133; Bogoras 1918. No. 23: 95?97). This is how the Chuvan tradition describes this war: “The Chukchi, knowing the daring of the Chuvans, all adapted to how to kill them by cunning, attacking by surprise or at night or when they noticed them in small parties ...” Having attacked and cut everyone, the Chukchi hid even before they arrived on Russian help (Dyachkov 1893: 37). The war with the Yukagirs led to their gradual extermination, and in 1763 Lieutenant Colonel F. Kh. Plenisner noted that the Yukagirs along the Anadyr and Yablonova rivers were all killed by the Chukchi, and their wives were taken prisoner (Vdovin 1965: 76). According to Corporal G. G. Sheikin, the last 80 Yukagirs, who lived 15 versts (16 km) from Anadyrsk, were destroyed by the Chukchi in 1756, and the remaining 10 women were resettled in a prison (AII, f. 36, op. 1 , No. 643, sheet 583v., compare: Dyachkov 1893: 66).
The Chukchi rarely encountered Evens, also stealing deer from them. In the Even legend, these clashes are described as follows: “The Chukchi and the Evens were at enmity, hunted each other, shot at each other and cut mercilessly with swords” (Novikova 1987: 107). However, naturally, this is an epic recollection of the past, while the tales themselves are about small skirmishes (Bogoras 1918. No. 2: 28–29; Novikova 1987: 107–108). Also, skirmishes could also occur because of deer hunting, because the Lamuts sometimes hunted their domestic deer as game (Maidel 1894: 67-68; Antropova 1957: 182-183), although already in the second half of the 19th century. the Chukchi looked at this "hunt" through their fingers, because they understood that their herds were crowding out wild deer - the main prey of the Lamuts (Tan-Bogoraz 1933: 242-243).
With the inhabitants of the coast of Alaska and the islands of the Bering Strait, the enmity was permanent. The reason for the war was simple disputes over hunting grounds (Sauer 1802: 103; Galkin 1929: 72; Bogoraz 1934: 174?175; Rasmussen 1952: 145; Menovshchikov 1980a: 215. § 107?141; 1985. No. 133: 324? 327). The inhabitants of Chukotka, as a rule, fought offensive wars, and the Alaskans - defensive ones, although attacks from their side also happened (Rasmussen 1952: 145; Schweitzer, Golovko 2001: 31; Sheppard 2002: 3). At the end of the XVIII century. Asians almost every year made their raids (Slovtsov 1856: 20). These constant hostilities were interrupted by periods of trade. As early as 1840, a raid was made on the Eskimos (Argentov 1857a: 37; 1886: 30–31; 1887. No. 2: 21; Antropova 1957: 178). It was, in fact, one of recent wars, in the full sense of the word, which was led by coastal residents.
However, since the Chukchi still needed the goods of the Americans, especially furs and wooden products, they traded with the latter. The Maritime Chukchi and Eskimos sailed for trade to the islands of the Bering Strait and Alaska. This trade in the XVIII century. has not yet emerged as a separate industry, but was a kind of raid-trade, and more often a raid than a bargain (Note ... 1858: 103), because bargaining could immediately develop into a collision due to both quarrels and the desire of one of the parties to rob, taking advantage of the favorable moment. Therefore, not trusting the other side, the Chukchi went to bargain in large numbers and with weapons (Wrangel 1948: 180). The centurion I. Kobelev describes how the Eskimos met the canoes of the Primorsky Chukchi on about. King (Ukivok) in the Bering Strait (1791): “Those Ukipans, having seen us still at sea, that our canoes stopped, dressed in kuyaks, in their hands spears, bows and arrows on strings ... those Ukipans always have such an attitude ...” (Ethnographic materials… 1978: 163). K. Merck (1978: 122) described this trade in a similar way: “The inhabitants of Fr. Okipen are met, according to their custom, by the Chukchi in armor, with a bow, arrows and knives, they also see them off when they leave” (Bogoraz 1934: 79). The Asiatic Eskimos and the Maritime Chukchis had an old enmity with the inhabitants of the islands and Alaska. Back in 1816, one of the residents of a coastal village, seeing an image of an Eskimo with labrets in his lower lip, exclaimed: “Wherever I met such a person with two bones, I would pierce him!” (Kotzebu 1948: 103; cf. Nelson 1899: 330).
I. S. Vdovin (1965: 54–55, 63) points to the peaceful relations between the reindeer Chukchi and the Asiatic Eskimos in the 17th–18th centuries, since he found no evidence of their enmity. However, at an earlier time, wars, of course, were fought, about which information has been preserved in folklore (Tan-Bogoraz 1930: 69; Bogoraz 1934: 174, XXIII (about XII-XIII centuries); Zolotarev 1938: 78-80; Gurvich 1982: 200; Reuse 1994: 296 (XII-XVI centuries); cf. Kavelin 1931: 99). Here is how, for example, an Eskimo tale describes the trade of western reindeer Chukchi with eastern reindeer herders and settled residents: “We met with people from the western side, they were warmly welcomed. They exchanged food with each other, gave different things, told the news. Rested, opened the exchange.
The coastal and tundra people of the northern side brought animal skins, belts, soles and melted fat for exchange.
People from the western side brought iron, knives, boilers, tobacco, tea, deer junk for exchange. Before the exchange, according to the custom of opponents, two deer were placed against each other, then they prepared to stab. Whose deer falls with his head towards the opponents, he should be the first to start a war in case of a quarrel. Here two people plunged spears into deer. The deer of our side fell on the spot, turning its head to the side. The deer of the opponents fell headlong towards our people.
After that, they began to exchange with each other. During the exchange, a dispute ensued due to the low price. ... They never came to an agreement in a quarrel.
According to custom, in the morning they should start a war. During the night they must prepare for battle, and send women and children and the elderly home with deer herds. If the opponents who are to be attacked do not wish to accept the battle, then, according to custom, before dawn they can leave with their caravans. But the other side can catch up” (Menovshchikov 1985, no. 128: 310-311). Consequently, a whole exchange ritual has developed in Chukotka. At the same time, the western Chukchi brought Russian goods for sale, as well as reindeer skins, while the eastern nomads, who were joined by settled ones, had coastal goods (cf.: Menovshchikov 1974. No. 42: 180-182; 19886. No. 6: 39-42 ; Krupnik 2000: 224?230). Those going to trade, as on military expeditions, took women, children and herds with them (cf.: Lesseps 1801. Part II: 109?110; Schukin 1852: 14). At first, both parties met and easily communicated with each other. Trading is the climax, the goal of the whole trip. It is furnished with a special ritual, which opens with a fortune-telling sacrifice, showing who will be the first to start fighting in case of a quarrel. Consequently, quarrels that escalated into conflict were the most common thing in such an exchange. Divination was traditionally based on the fall of a sacrificial deer. Further, the course of events followed the military course, according to the “civilized” way of waging war: the attack was carried out only the next day, the opponents had the whole night to prepare for battle, each side was free to accept the battle or flee if it did not feel the strength to resist the attacker .
The internal wars between the Chukchi are poorly reflected in the sources, firstly, due to the lack of information about this among the Russians, and secondly, due to the fact that the ethnic self-consciousness of the Chukchi in historical times prevented the flare-up of internecine conflicts. According to K. Merk (1978: 99), the Chukchi had civil strife in ancient times, that is, much earlier than the end of the 18th century, Chukchi folklore also mentions this (Bogoraz 1900. No. 145: 388?389; 1934: 175; Kozlov 1956 : 19?22). In 1741, D. Ya. Laptev mentions robber raids: “The best of their [Chukchi] maintenance and food is in robbery among themselves or what they get from the Koryaks” (Vdovin 1950: 93). Obviously, we are talking about stealing deer from each other, which was a kind of extreme sport among the Chukchi. As early as the beginning of the 20th century. there were, although rare, internal clashes due to various social and economic reasons. So, V. G. Bogoraz (18996: 18-19; 1902a: 84) for three years of his observations in the very late XIX in. counted about 10 murders among the Kolyma Chukchi, including one murder of the father and two of the brothers, and these murders are more common among the Primorye and Zachaun Chukchi than among the Kolyma and deer Chukchi. The Chukchi at the beginning of the 20th century. there was no central authority and written laws that could prevent skirmishes and call the criminal to justice, there was only a traditional law according to which a crime, mainly murder, was followed by blood feud, which served as a certain barrier to the perpetrator of the offense. As you can see, with the cessation of external wars, the causes of clashes, and the methods of their conduct, returned to their original state, however, they can no longer be considered proper wars - these were precisely conflicts.
The beginning of the war. Usually war was declared in advance. This was the norm of "international relations in the region" (Menovshchikov 1985, no. 127: 309). “I will come to you as soon as the first snow falls and I will kill you,” says the leader of the Tanites to the Chukchi hero Kunlel in one legend (Baboshina 1959. No. 103: 250; cf.: Senate archive. 1889: 35, 36, 535; Bogoraz 1949. No. 4: 139; Stebnitsky 1994a: 104, 167). If the enemy did not prepare for battle, then he could be given three days to prepare (Bogoraz 1901. No. 132: 337; cf.: Jochelson 1905. No. 6: 138). An open challenge to battle and giving the enemy time to prepare for battle had their own rational basis: to decide the fate of the war in a “general battle” and not drag it out until the resources were depleted. If one side was defeated, then a retaliatory raid could take place not only the next year, but also after several years, for example, after four years (Bogoraz 1935: 175).
Since the Chukchi and Eskimo society, as they said, was dominated by the cult of physical strength, then, demonstrating one’s ability and desire to fight, one could force the enemy to retreat without a fight, as we see in the Eskimo fairy tale “The Solved Mystery”, where the hero from Sirenik, having killed dog in the enemy camp and threatening to kill the enemy leaders, forced the latter to withdraw the troops (Sergeeva 1962: 85). As a warning to the enemy, the Chukchi could leave their insole made of grass on the ground (Bogoraz 1902. No. 5: 162), or stick an arrow with a blunt tip into the ground, warning the other not to graze deer here (Bogoraz 1934: 176). Another signal to the enemy that his appearance had been discovered and resistance was being prepared was a shot at the enemy with three arrows in a row (Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 129).
Peace could be concluded when the parties, having suffered significant losses, understood the futility of further struggle, which threatened complete exhaustion (Bogoraz 1900. No. 167: 415; Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1951: 450; Baboshina 1958. No. 98: 239; Menovshchikov 1988. No. 129: 308). Old men were sent as ambassadors, who came to the camp of the enemy and offered to make peace (Kavelin 1931: 99). For coastal residents, residents of a neighboring village, who observed neutrality in the conflict, could act as an intermediary party (Baboshina 1958. No. 67: 167). Normalization of relations between neighbors took place through negotiations between representatives of the two opposing parties (Bogoraz 1934: 178). Peace could be concluded not only between individual ethnic groups, but even between individual camps of the Koryaks and Chukchi, while enmity continued between other settlements (Baboshina 1958. No. 101: 243). In Koryak tales, peace with the Chukchi is often concluded through the marriage of the son of a Chukchi elder to the daughter of a Koryak reindeer herder (Stebnitsky 1994: 57–58; cf.: Vdovin 1962: 154). The reconciled parties then married each other (Kozlov 1956: 22). During reconciliation, gifts were exchanged (Bogoraz 1934: 175); as a sign of peace, even the leader carried his knife with a broken end (Kruzenshtern 1950: 173; Lyubov... 1811: 22?23).
Usually, the foremen came with a significant escort to make peace, because, on the one hand, they did not trust their recent enemies, and on the other hand, the threat of the use of force kept them from attacking and made them more accommodating. So, in 1740, 12 toyons accompanied by 200 soldiers came to Anadyr for negotiations with the Russians (Vdovin 1948: 68), in 1756 more than 300 settled Chukchi warriors arrived for the same purpose (Vdovin 1950: 96; Alekseev 1961: 19), and in 1763, 60 canoes, 20-25 people each (1200-1500 people) arrived for negotiations with the commander of Anadyrsk, F. Kh. Plenisner (Alekseev 1958: 25; Vdovin 1959: 42). Even at the beginning of the XIX century. “the supreme head of the entire Chukchi people” Chechro-Tuma arrived for negotiations with the governor, accompanied by 12 toyons and many Chukchi (Lyubov… 1811: 18). If the opposing sides made peace, then its violation was regarded as a negative phenomenon (Baboshina 1958. No. 101: 243; cf.: Stebnitsky 1994: 79 (the Koryaks believe in peacekeeping by the Chukchi and sleep peacefully)).
Unions. In the XVIII century. - century of wars - we observe certain elements foreign policy aimed at creating favorable conditions for waging wars. Thus, the inhabitants of Primorye did not specifically associate Russians with the inhabitants of Alaska, fearing their alliance, which could be directed against the inhabitants of Chukotka (Belov 1954: 182; cf. Efimov 1948: 230; 1971: 196; Grekov 1960: 54). In historical times, the Asian Eskimos were constant allies of the Chukchi, with whom the nomads had strong trade ties. And in the event of a great danger that the Russians posed for the Chukchi, the coastal inhabitants could accept the help of even their long-standing opponents - the inhabitants of the islands, who were better known and did not threaten the independence of the Chukchi. So, during the first campaign of D. I. Pavlutsky (1731), the Eskimos from the islands of the Bering Strait helped the Chukchi, as the islanders themselves told M. S. Gvozdev the following year (Polonsky 1850: 399, 400; Sokolov 1851: 94, 96; Efimov 1948: 240–241; Goldenberg 1984: 129; Krasheninnikov 1949: 178). Even among the killed Chukchi after the third battle, the servicemen found one or two Eskimos, who were recognized by the labrets in the lip (Efimov 1948: 225; Zuev 2001: 28). Indeed, the union of the inhabitants of the Diomede (Gvozdev) islands with the Asian Eskimos, who fought with the inhabitants of about. King (Ukivok), who were assisted by their American relatives from the Seward Peninsula (Nelson 1899: 330; Schweitzer and Golovko 2001: 31, 35, note 9; cf. Vdovin 1965: 56 (1763)). And the inhabitants of the Small Island themselves. Diomede (Kruzenshtern) were for some time at enmity with the inhabitants of the Big Island (Ratmanov) and in alliance with the Eskimos of Cape Prince of Wales, but were defeated (Nelson 1899: 330; Sheppard 2002: 2; cf.: KPTs. No. 71: 186 (1763)). According to the assumption of the Russian authorities, the Eskimos helped the Chukchi against the captain not only from the islands of the Bering Strait, but also from Alaska (Belov 1956: 324, 330). The Chukchi did not want to unite with their old Koryak enemies against the Russians even during the Koryak uprising (1755), hoping for peace negotiations with the Russians, and by their raids on the Koryaks, they essentially helped the Russians (KPTs. No. 70: 183; Alekseev 1961 : 19), although, according to the assumption of the rebellious Itelmens, the Chukchi, having made peace with the Koryaks, should come to the aid of the Kamchadals (1746) (KPTs. No. 36: 97; but compare: No. 38: 102?103, 108?109). In 1715, the rebellious Yukagirs called the Chukchi for help against Anadyrsk, but, apparently, they did not receive help, since at that time there was no active struggle between the Chukchi and the Russians (PSI. Book 2, No. 29: 88? 89, 93) .
The resettlement of the peoples of Eastern Siberia in the end. 17th century
Reproduced from: IEAS. P. 7 (compiled by B. O. Dolgikh) with clarifications according to the publications: Vdovin 1972; Leontiev, Novikova 1989: 22
In general, in the historical time recorded in the sources, the permanent allies of the deer Chukchi are the settled Eskimos, who often lived interspersed with them. The latter were, so to speak, natural allies with whom no special treaties were concluded, and friendly relations themselves developed naturally through barter and a kind of proxenia. The same principles of relations operated among neighboring settlements. Agreements were concluded with the Eskimos of the islands, which included the provision of military assistance if necessary. Agreements with nomadic Koryaks were purely conciliatory, not designed for mutual assistance. Also, the Chukchi did not supply contingents to Russian expeditions - the Russians were still afraid of the Chukchi.
Strategy
Since the Chukchi did not have specialized military squads feeding on the war, their militias, assembled from time to time, did not conduct permanent hostilities. A large-scale war was also hampered by the lack of a material base, special food supplies, the dispersal of nomad camps, etc. Like other nomadic ethnic groups, the strategy of the reindeer Chukchi was mobile and offensive. They used a defensive strategy against the punitive expeditions of the Russians, which were difficult to resist: the Chukchi simply retreated to a safe place, fighting only if necessary, or they rallied their forces for a general battle in order to decide the fate of the campaign in one battle, as they did against expeditions A F. Shestakov and D. I. Pavlutsky. The strategy of the Eskimos and the settled Chukchi was mainly defensive: they were less warlike than the nomads, and preferred to sit out from raids in special fortifications or simply hide.
The war itself was seasonal. It is possible to allocate certain seasons for certain types of hostilities (Nefedkin 2001). The main time for conducting land wars should be recognized as winter. The strategy of the reindeer Chukchi was based on unexpected raids. This was explained by the fact that it was in winter that the Chukchi could move quickly on their only high-speed land transport - on reindeer teams, which were not used in summer. At the same time, in winter, the male population was less busy grazing, since the herds of deer were calm, and even a couple of teenagers could graze them (Bogoraz 1991: 72; cf.: Orlovsky 1928: 69–70; Beretti, 929–16; DRURI 1936: 110, 117; Menovshchikov 1974. No. 100: 330; however, compare: Karaev 1926. No. 4: 140; V. A. 1935: 62). During most of the 18th century in winter, the Chukchi attacked the Koryaks in order to capture deer. During the rest of the year, the Koryaks were not afraid of the Chukchi raids (KPTs. No. 65: 170). The task of such a raid was to appear unexpectedly, capture prey and quickly retreat. S. P. Krasheninnikov (1949: 734) wrote about such winter raids: “These [Chukchis] run into them [Koryaks] in parties every winter and continue to ruin them, but with the Chukchi involuntarily, because when they found great tracts on them, they repaired devastation, capturing them and killing them, and driving away herds of deer, in which all their wealth consists. But although in such a need they dared to go out to fight against the Chukchi, they were always defeated and forced to flee to save themselves ”(cf .: Merk 1978: 120). They could attack both on the first snow (Baboshina 1959. No. 103: 250; Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 129), and already in the spring (Senate archive. 1889: 35, 36, 535). Moreover, the same Chukchi could raid both in March and in November (Shakhovskoy 1822: 306). But still, the most favorable for raids was the end of the winter season, from the end of February to the end of May, when the strength of the winds subsided, and the frosts were not so strong (Iokhelson 1997: 214).
In winter, the inhabitants of Chukotka (they were the aggressive side) attacked the Eskimos of the coast of Alaska. Reindeer Chukchi crossed the ice of the Bering Strait on teams, as is told in the legend about Elendi (Bogoraz 1899: 356-358; Tan-Bogoraz 1930: 71-77; Vdovin 1987: 42; cf.: Wrangel 1835: 607-608; Sk 1888. No. 26: 2). The latter went on a campaign, taking with him one of his wives and a cargo sleigh with provisions and fodder - only three sleds (Bogoraz 1899: 356). Naturally, the coastal residents of Chukotka made this journey on dog sleds, setting off, for example, from the most convenient place for this - Uelen, from which it is 89 km to America (Vdovin 1944: 262; 1965: 57; Gondatti 1898: 17, IX). As a point of rest could use about. Ratmanov, from where it took a day to get to Alaska. The island itself could be reached on ice and on foot if there were many hummocks and it was inconvenient to drive (PSI. Book 1, No. 108: 458; Merck 1978: 121; Gondatti 1898: 17, XI; Medushevsky 1954: 118). The Americans, if they learned about the attack in advance from the observation hills, preferred to join the battle, hiding from the Asians in caves where provisions, clothes and weapons were stored (Schweitzer, Golovko 2001: 26, 30; Sheppard, 2002: 9; Chernenko 1957: 132) .
In the summer on Anadyr and other border rivers Cossacks, who could not exist on a salary, and could not cultivate the land due to climatic conditions, fished and hunted deer that crossed the middle course of the Anadyr in the same places (at the end of the 18th century - 160 versts (170 km) from the mouth in May - June to the north, to summer pastures, and in August - September back for the winter (Sokolov 1852a: 165; Merck 1978: 144; Silnitsky 1897: 25). Chukchi coming to Anadyr to hunt deer in canoes encountered hunting Russians and Yukaghirs (cf.: Lindenau 1983: 163). during this period, the Cossack parties were especially often subjected to unexpected attacks by the Chukchi, because the deer were transported to summer pastures far from the prison (Vdovin 1944: 254, 259; 1965: 115; Alekseev 1961: 11).The commandant of Anadyrsk captain describes these attacks briefly and clearly in a military way. V. Shatilov (1751): “Having produced Russian people in some small negligence in fishing, they beat the packs to death, take their wives and children prisoner, copper and iron boilers, axes, knives, etc. there is no land” (Shashkov 1864: 67). and half of the 18th century. the Chukchi themselves did not trust the Russians and were afraid of them, they, according to Y. I. Lindenau (1983: 163), came to the fisheries in very large numbers, 150 canoes with a crew of 15–20 people each, that is, approximately 2250 ?3,000 people, of course, including families (cf.: Vdovin 1950: 83). As early as the beginning of the 19th century. the Chukchi attacked Russian fishermen on the Main River, the southern tributary of the Anadyr (Dyachkov 1893: 41, 56).
In the summer in the second half of the XVII century. the Chukchi often attacked the few Russians who fished in the Kolyma and its environs (DAI. 1862. Vol. VIII, no. 3?4: 9; KPMGYa. no. 25: 64 (1659); no. : 241 (1679), Vdovin 1965: 104 (1659), Belov 1954: 181 (mid-eighteenth century), Chulkov 1785, book 1: 485-486, book 2: 389-390, note 2, Gedenshtrom 1830 :99). Some Russian villages in the Kolyma were simply defeated by the Chukchi, in particular Pogromnoye (a fishing lodge three versts below Nizhnekolymsk) and Duvannoye. I. Shklovsky (1892: 97) believed that the names of both rivers (Killed, Bloody, Robber) and villages (Pogromnoye, Tomilino, where, according to legend, a girl wounded by an arrow, languished, Duvannoe, where the Chukchi shared the booty). In the first half of the XVIII century. the number of Chukchi in Lower Kolyma decreased due to epidemics, and they no longer posed a great threat to the Russian and Yukaghir population (Vdovin 1965: 105; cf.: Gurvich 1966: 49 (left because of epidemics, smallpox or died out from it in 1690- x years.)). However, as early as 1752, six people sent from Nizhnekolymsk to fish on the "Chukotskaya River" were killed by the Chukchi (Vdovin 1944: 254; Gurvich 1966: 49). Summertime was the season naval wars, when the coastal inhabitants, the Chukchi and Eskimos, went on a campaign to the islands of the Bering Sea and Alaska. In the summer, there were also raids in the tundra by small foot gangs. In general, the nomadic Chukchi, who owned numerous herds of deer, rarely walked, and therefore they did not conduct long raids overland in the summer, which was not convenient and unusual for them.
Intelligence service. Naturally, for the successful conduct of the campaign, it was very important to obtain information about the enemy, given the complex natural conditions and insignificant, by our standards, forces that the enemy prepared for battle could defeat. There was intelligence - strategic and tactical. The first included various types of obtaining information: the scout was sent far ahead, even half a month before the main caravan arrived. The scout, through questioning and inspection, obtained the necessary information (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 308). He could, under the guise of a guest, arrive at the settlement of the future enemy, trying to find out the names of the allies, the number of soldiers, the date of the campaign. The head of the village possessed similar information among the Eskimos, without initiating others into these secrets, and the scout sought to find out this data from him (Sergeeva 1962: 103-104). Information could also be obtained from a runaway slave who returned home (Bogoraz 1934: 174-175; Malaurie 1974: 140, 154; Menovshchikov 1985. No. 133: 324-327). Refugees from destroyed settlements or a zone of potential danger provided similar information about the enemy (Kozlov 1956: 30; Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 307-308; No. 132: 321). On the other hand, waiting for the arrival of enemies, a sentinel, usually a good runner, was sent far ahead, towards the enemy, to a convenient hill, but he did not stay here for a long time and returned home by sunset (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 307; cf .: Bakhtin 2000: 124). Long-term tracking down of the enemy in anticipation of an opportunity to attack him can also be attributed to the strategic type of reconnaissance. According to the Even legend, the Chukchi hunted down the Even for a whole year (Novikova 1987: 108).
There was also tactical reconnaissance: scouts reconnoitered the area immediately before the arrival of the bulk of the troops (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 435; Menovshchikov 1974. No. 85: 301; 1985. No. 132: 323?324). And finally, a scout was also sent directly from the camp to see what was ahead (Menovshchikov 1974. No. 91: 317; 1985. No. 127: 309; cf.: Bogoraz 1899: 353). Scouts were also sent to the enemy camp in order to find out what the enemies intended to do, how many troops they had and who led them (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 437; Sergeeva 1962: 84). It was not difficult, since usually the guards of the camp were not posted.
hike. Going on a campaign, the Chukchi determined its purpose, tasks and route. The Chukchi toyon Naikhye described the upcoming campaign and its goal as follows (1740): first, he would gather troops and reach the Anadyr River by land, then he would change to canoes, enter Anadyrsk, break Russian heads and necks, burn houses and graze herds of deer here (Vdovin 1970: 22?23). There were also certain routes of raids: they passed through Anadyr either downstream from the prison, or 300 versts (318 km) higher (Belov 1954: 180). It should be noted that the river broke up from the ice in late April - early May, while in winter it was simply crossed over the ice (Dyachkov 1893: 5; cf.: Sokolov 1852a: 165).
Captain T. I. Shmalev, in his notes, which he kept in Gizhiga, briefly described the route of one of the last raids of the Chukchi on the Koryaks, which is a typical example of enterprises of this kind (Shakhovskoy 1822: 306-307): “In March 1776, the Chukchi Toyon Amulyan with 180 Chukchis came to search over the Koryaks to the rivers Apuke and Pahache, and at first 28 deer were driven away from the Koryak Nushehly, and the boy captured here was given on March 19 for ransom; then, having come to the Aputsk prison, they treated the Aputian Koryaks friendly and made a bargain, in which, however, the Koryaks killed one Chukchi with a gun. For this, they went to Pakhachinsky prison, where nothing happened except for conversations. And when they went up the Pahache River, they found a yurt of foot Koryaks, they plundered the carriage and took away two girls with them. On March 25, the reindeer Koryak Alalyk was killed in eight people, four women were taken prisoner, the deer of the Alalykov herds were taken as booty, and another Koryak Tynaptiya herd, only two herds, and returned to their land.
As you can see, we have before us a brief account of the raid, which lasted less than a month and was carried out at the end of the winter season. It was purely predatory, aimed at areas that were not covered by the Gizhiginskaya fortress. The forces of the attackers were not particularly large and, obviously, were not designed to clash with the Russians. Herds were stolen from the reindeer Koryaks, the men were killed, and the women were taken prisoner, but the shepherd boy was released for a ransom. The prisons of settled Koryaks did not storm, preferring to trade, although quarrels arose here, which led to the death of one Chukchi. However, having found a single semi-dugout, they plundered it, and the women were taken prisoner. Having captured two large herds, the Chukchi returned home. This raid, unexpected by the enemy, without great battles and many losses, but with good booty, is a typical example of a perfectly executed raid.
The raid itself could take place over a long distance. The population density of Chukotka was then very low. Recall that in the 1760s. Colonel F. Kh. Plenisner argued that it would take a month to travel from Anadyrsk on reindeer to the Chukotka dwellings (Vdovin 1959: 42). In one Chukchi tale, it is mentioned that the warriors returned home from a campaign with deer and cargo sledges they had obtained within ten days (Menovshchikov 1974. No. 86: 307, No. 91: 315; cf.: Tan-Bogoraz 1958: 82), that is, they we traveled about 150–200 km, in another story it took 18 days to get to the camp (Belikov 1965: 158).
If necessary, camping fees were allocated short time: one Eskimo legend speaks of a performance the next day (Menovshchikov 1985. No. 127: 308). Going on a campaign, the Chukchi took with them a herd of spare deer in case the mounts died from overwork or hunger. So, in 1754, a caravan of 500 Chukchis numbered 2,000 deer (KPTs. No. 70: 181). Since two deer were more often harnessed to the sledge, almost every sledge had one spare animal. In addition, animals were taken from the same herd for slaughter. The expedition also took spare sleds, which they sat on when the sled broke. Perhaps, on them, as well as on trophy sledges, during the return they carried booty and, like the Koryaks, captured women and children sat on them (Iokhelson 1900. No. 53: 130). Sedentary Chukchi, tempted by booty and participating in the winter campaign of nomads, rode on sledges harnessed by reindeer of their nomadic tribesmen, but the nomads' attitude towards them remained dismissive (Bogoraz 1900. No. 110: 286?287). They drove in a chain, one after another, along a well-trodden rut, so that the deer would be less tired (Bogoraz 1899: 370). When a small group of warriors set off on a campaign on foot, then, most likely, as well as hunting, they also walked in a row (Menovshchikov 1988. No. 99: 235; cf.: No. 156: 364; Fieup-Riordan 1994: 330; Bruch 1998: 89; (Alaskan Eskimos)). In a snowstorm, if they continued on their way, the sledges were tied one to another so as not to get lost (Rubtsova 1954. No. 27: 325. § 14-17); deer were also tied by the antlers (Menovshchikov 19886, no. 28: 130).
During short stops and before the battle, the reins of the deer were tied to the sledges (Vdovin 1965: 97; Bogoraz 1899: 370, note 3). Cossack B. Kuznetsky describes the bivouac of the Chukchi returning from the campaign (1754): “... and as they go, not everyone suddenly stands up, but separately, who goes where or where to spend the night chooses a place, only in mind of each other, and instead of yurts they become embroidered from deer warm canopy skins, in which ten people or more sleep ”(KPTs. No. 70: 181) (1756). Consequently, the location of the camp was quite free, perhaps they were guided by a place in the caravan. Naturally, relatives tried to stick together (Wrangel 1948: 175; cf.: Tan-Bogoraz 1979: 28 (reindeer Koryaks)). I. B. B. de Lesseps (1801. Part II: 109) notes a different arrangement of canopies in the camp of the Chukchi who came to trade: they were placed in a row according to the pattern of the arrangement of yarangas. As you can see, only canopies were taken on the expedition, which could accommodate more than ten people (cf.: Vdovin 1965: 50). The soil under the canopy was covered with deerskin thrown over brushwood. At night, before entering the canopy, they stuck spears and bundles of arrows. I. B. B. de Lesseps (1801. Part II: 110) explains that this was done against the Koryaks, but it is quite clear that such a barrier will not protect against enemy attacks - it was made against the evil spirits of the Kele. The canopy itself was fixed on the sides with four pegs (Lesseps 1801. Part II: 109) or simply tied between the sleds (Galkin 1929: 170). If there was no curtain, then they slept right on the sleigh (Galkin 1929: 178; Rubtsova 1954. No. 1: 29-30. § 159, 207; Aivangu 1985: 59; cf.: Koltun 1904: 28). With favorable weather conditions the Chukchi could sleep just in the forest. If it was tundra, then they could also sleep on the snow, throwing a deer skin on it (Galkin 1929: 162; cf.: Koltun 1904: 28).
Halts were made in places where there was moss, food for deer. The deer were sent to graze with one or two shepherds, whose main task was to protect the herd from wolves (Beretti 1929: 48). Riding animals could be tied at night and simply tied (Gurvich 1983: 101). If there was a fear that the deer would return to the herd, they were not unharnessed for the night (Bogoraz 1991: 33). When it was assumed that there would not be enough food for the deer along the way, they took it with them (M-v 1877. No. 47: 386; Bogoraz 1900. No. 145: 388), using, for example, clothes as bags for it ( Bogoraz 1899: 356). Bonfires, unlike the Koryaks, could not be kindled at a halt (Bogoraz 1991: 108). This looks strange, since the fire was considered a protector from evil spirits that dominated in the dark (Vdovin 1977: 133). Perhaps this behavior is explained by the lack of fuel in the tundra (Tan-Bogoraz 1958: 82). On the other hand, the Koryak tale mentions that the Chukchi in the camp sat in "tents" with fires (Jochelson 1905. No. 6: 137; cf.: Stebnitsky 1994: 24). No guards were set up at the bivouac, no fortifications were erected (Voskoboynikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 432). Only when they noticed a stranger, they asked who he was (Bogoras 1918, no. 23: 95).
When an enemy attack was expected, according to the Chukchi, even in the yaranga they slept dressed and shod, putting bows and spears next to them (Vdovin 1965: 129). Bows, as the classic of Koryak literature Ketsai Kekketyn writes, were put under the head by the Chukchi, like the Koryaks (though, perhaps, this is a simple interpolation of the Koryak custom on their opponents). Consequently, the awakened warrior could immediately use the bow. The spears were placed in one vertical pyramid (Stebnitsky 1994: 50-51; cf.: Voskoboinikov, Menovshchikov 1959: 432).
Raid with camp. The main type of winter raid was a gradual migration with the entire camp to the enemy's camp. N. N. Beretti (1929: 13), speaking about the Koryaks and Chukchis, notes: “Nomadic natives often take their wives with them on long and long journeys.” Folklore also mentions raids along with women (Bogoraz 1901. No. 130: 335; Menovshchikov 1974. No. 91: 316?318; cf. )). Moreover, settled Chukchi and deer who participated in the campaign could also take their wives with them (Bogoraz 1900. No. 110: 286-287; No. 130: 335; cf.: Bakhtin 2000: 46, 201). Such a custom was not characteristic only of the Chukchi, it also existed among other peoples of the region, such as the Itelmens (Steller 1927: 47). In the 1860s the participation of women in the campaign was explained by the fact that men did not want (and did not know how) to do women's work even on the expedition (Neiman 1871. Vol. I: 19; Beretti 1929: 16). Indeed, the Chuvan legend mentions that during the raid women set up "tents" - a typically female job (Bogoras 1918. No. 23: 95), despised by men (Obruchev 1974: 86). Consequently, the campaign actually represented a certain type of migration.
K. Merk (1978: 120) notes about the course of such a raid: “When they approach a foreign land, they leave women and yurts behind.” One may get the impression that the yarangas with women remain somewhere far behind the lines, on the border of the enemy's territory, but this is not so. Chukchi legends about raids say that the enemies set up their camp in the immediate vicinity of the enemy's camp. The attackers camped without any fortifications and patrols and quite calmly went about their daily business (see: Menovshchikov 1974, no. 87: 309; no. 91: 316; Lebedev and Simchenko 1983: 131). The fighters, dressed in armor, went into battle, leaving the sledges in the camp, where the women remained without any protection (Lebedev, Simchenko 1983: 131). If there was a forest and some natural shelters or hard-to-reach territories in the given territory, then the women remained there (Mamyshev 1809: 25, note). Warriors could drive directly to the place of battle on sleds, leaving them behind the formation (Sgibnev 1869: 16), which, in turn, prevented the possibility of encircling the detachment. Further, the action followed a scenario similar to how they acted during an attack on an enemy camp.
Raid of some men. Only men on sleds could go on a winter raid. Such a raid could be distant and unexpected for the enemy, since in this case the Chukchi were mobile, not burdened with a large convoy. Such raids could be very distant. Thus, B. Kuznetsky noted that he traveled from the environs of Anadyrsk, where he was captured, to the camp of the Chukchi for six weeks (KPTs. No. 70: 181) (1756). If we assume that, on average, a caravan traveled 10–12 km per day with unhurried movement (Vdovin 1987: 73), then this distance could be at least 420–500 km. If the raid was purely predatory, aimed at capturing deer, then they preferred not to take prisoners, but killed everyone (Baboshina 1958. No. 101: 243).
This text is an introductory piece. From the author's bookOrganization and conduct of operational reconnaissance during the defense of Leningrad and during the period of fighting to lift the blockade of Leningrad (fragments)
From the author's bookChapter Nine Leading Troops by Cao Cao: "Act according to your convenience." Zhang Yu: “After knowing the changes in the nine kinds of terrain, one can act according to one's convenience. Therefore, this chapter is placed after the Nine Changes. Zhang Juzheng: "Here it is said that
From the author's bookConducting aerial reconnaissance Conducting some types of aerial reconnaissance in Afghanistan was entrusted to army aviation crews, often using Mi-24 combat helicopters. This choice was due primarily to the presence of a guidance device, allowing
From the author's bookConducting hostilities at night Despite the great difficulty in detecting targets and carrying out attacks at night, helicopters were mobile enough effective tool fight against the Mujahideen. Army aviation units operated independently at night with
From the author's bookConducting reconnaissance "on oneself" The reconnaissance groups (detachments) of the Special Forces, in the course of carrying out reconnaissance and combat missions, constantly conducted reconnaissance "on oneself", especially when advancing to the area of ambush, conducting a raid or search. In these cases, they stood out from the group
From the author's bookSoviet losses during the Chinese Civil War and the Sino-Japanese War, 1923-1941 The Soviet Union during the Chinese Civil War and the Sino-Japanese War that began in the summer of 1937 provided assistance to both the Kuomintang government and the Chinese Communists. Up to
From the author's bookPsychology and warfare in conditions of enemy air superiority Working on the topic of warfare in such adverse conditions, you constantly come across an amazing unwillingness to see the real ratio of the means of warfare among the "cramped"
From the author's book2.2. INTELLIGENCE IN SOVIET RUSSIA AND ABROAD civil war in Russia, covering all aspects of the life of the states participating in it, required a comprehensive study various factors influencing the conduct of hostilities. That's why
From the author's bookSurveillance In some cases, the residency is required to conduct surveillance of a specific person. Its organization, among other things, depends on the personality of a particular object, which mainly determines the degree of complexity of the operation. So, surveillance can be arranged,
From the author's bookInitial period wars, the nature and conditions of the war on the Eastern Front “Apart from the British, history generally knows only two nations that have inherited a comparable national sense of dignity, a similar providential awareness own strength: it's the Romans
From the author's bookFiring from M4 cannons All the cannons of the M4 family of tanks fired mechanically - the striker hit the projectile primer, although the mechanism was powered by electricity. The gunner fired from a cannon and a machine gun coaxial with it using buttons conveniently located either on the flywheel
From the author's bookXI. EQUIPMENT PROVIDING ARMED COMBAT EQUIPMENT ENGAGING ARMED COMBAT TECHNIQUE is named here somewhat conditionally, because the boundaries separating it from the types of combat equipment considered above are rather indefinite, and it itself is very
Military affairs of the Chukchi (mid-17th-early 20th century) - description and summary, author Nefedkin Alexander, read for free online on the site electronic library website
This publication examines various aspects of the military affairs of the Chukchi throughout the era known to us from written and other sources, starting from the second half of the 17th century, when the Chukchi first encountered the Siberian Cossacks, and up to the beginning of the 20th century, when there were still clashes on the basis of blood to sweep. Information is drawn on neighboring peoples, Asian and American Eskimos, Koryaks and Russians, which makes it possible to better reveal the features of the military affairs of the Chukchi. The book is the first work in historiography devoted to the military affairs of the Chukchi. It will be useful not only to ethnographers, but also to the widest range of readers interested in military affairs.
On the first page of the cover: Chukchi warrior of the 18th century. Reconstruction. Drawing A V. Kozlenke.
