Undefeated Gangut. Hanko - peninsula, city and front-line museum Formation of Hanko base forces

Finland, Hanko

The Hanko naval base, established in 1940, occupied an advantageous position, controlling the entrance to the Gulf of Finland. Heavy coastal batteries installed on the Hanko Peninsula, as well as on the island of Hiuma (Dago) and the small rocky island of Osmussar on the opposite shore of the bay, together with a minefield and in cooperation with ships and aircraft, could block the entrance to the Gulf of Finland for all ships and transports. The base was also supposed to provide basing for ships.

The naval base included:

8th separate rifle brigade. Commander - Colonel N.P. Simonyak. Which included two regiments of three battalions, the 335th Infantry (commander - Major Nikanorov N.S.), 270th Infantry (commander - Major N.D. Sokolov), 343- th artillery regiment (commander - Major Morozov I.O.) and two machine-gun companies, an anti-aircraft artillery division, as well as auxiliary units. The artillery regiment had nine batteries, combined into three divisions: 1st - 76 mm guns, 2nd - 122 mm howitzers, 3rd 152 mm howitzers. All three regiments took part in the Soviet-Finnish War, in the battles on the Karelian Isthmus and were previously part of the 24th Samara-Ulyanovsk Iron Division - one of the oldest units of the Red Army. The 287th separate tank battalion (commanded by Captain K.A. Zykov), which had 25 T-26 tanks (single and double turret) and T-37, was also subordinate to the brigade command.

The command of the rifle brigade supervised the strengthening of the base's defense. 190 bunkers were built, armed with 45 mm guns and heavy machine guns. The garrison of each bunker consisted of three to five people and had a large supply of food, water and ammunition. In general, reserves of all types of supplies were concentrated in the base's warehouses for half a year of defense.

The construction of pillboxes, shelters and other defensive structures was carried out by the 51st, 93rd, 94th and 145th separate construction battalions, the 124th engineer battalion, the 42nd and 219th separate engineer battalions, the 8th and 21st 1st railway battalions, 296th and 101st separate construction companies. These units were subordinate to the command of the Leningrad Military District or the Glavvoenstroy Directorate, and with the beginning of the war they were reassigned to the base command. Of these, the 219th Infantry Regiment was formed, which became part of the 8th Infantry Brigade.

Air defense section (three anti-aircraft artillery divisions) - 12 batteries (four of which were located on the islands), two anti-aircraft machine gun companies and two anti-aircraft searchlight companies. The base was also guarded by the 13th Fighter Regiment (30 - I-16, 30 - I-153) and six anti-aircraft batteries. Security of the water area - 9 MO-4 boats and a division of border boats. The main striking force of the base was coastal batteries - the 9th railway (3 305-mm caliber guns, commander - Captain Tuder L.M.), 17th railway (4 180-mm caliber guns, commander - senior lieutenant P.M. Zhilin) , three three-gun 130 mm, one three-gun 100 mm batteries and 24 45 mm guns. Lieutenant General of the Coastal Service S.I. Kabanov was appointed commander of the base shortly before the war; the military commissar of the base during the defense period was divisional commissar A.L. Raskin.

The land border ran along the northern tip of the peninsula and stretched for 4 km. The border protection was carried out by the 99th border detachment under the command of Major A.D. Gubin. The detachment was located near the village of Lappohya. Before the start of the war, the border guards were not subordinate to the base command. On June 22, the detachment was removed from the border and transferred to a separate reserve battalion of the base commander.

Hitler's command set the task of “capturing the Hanko Peninsula as quickly as possible.” To solve this problem, the Hanko strike group was formed, formed on June 13, 1941. consisting of: 17th Infantry Division (commander - Colonel A. Snellman, the division included three regiments of the 13th, 34th and 55th), 4th Coastal Defense Brigade, two battalions of Swedish volunteers, border, sapper and scooter company, 21 coastal and 31 field batteries (268 guns including anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns). Group size as of June 25, 1941 18,066 people, and by July 5 - 22,285 people.

The enemy began fighting against the defenders of the peninsula on June 26. On this day, his artillery brought down its fire on the city, and the landing force tried to land on the island of Horsen, but was repulsed. Landing operations were of fundamental importance in the defense of the peninsula. Already in the first days of defense, the base command became convinced of the importance of holding nearby islands, which the enemy could use to shell the territory of the peninsula and to prepare their landing forces. For landing operations, a detachment of volunteers was created from base units under the command of Captain B.M. Granin. Water area security boats were used for landing. With the support of coastal batteries and aviation, from July 7 to October 19, 13 troops were landed and captured 19 islands.

Border guards were part of the landing groups and took part in both the landing and the subsequent clearing of the occupied territory.

July 12, 1941 An operational group of 11 border guards searched for the enemy, who had holed up in the shelters of the island of Forsen, which had been occupied the day before by a detachment of sailors.

On July 15, a landing group under the command of Senior Lieutenant Kurilov carried out combat reconnaissance of Rencher Island, with the task of destroying an enemy observation post. Despite intense enemy artillery fire, the mission was completed successfully and the group returned without losses.

On July 16, a landing group of border guards consisting of 45 people under the command of Lieutenant Shapkin and junior political instructor Rogovets, with the support of two boats, raided the Finnish garrison on Morgonlang Island. As a result, the island was captured, and the garrison was destroyed and partially captured.

On July 20, a landing group of 30 people carried out combat reconnaissance of Maltscher Island. The border guards destroyed the observation post, defeated the guard garrison and returned to the base without losses.

The operation to capture the lighthouse on Bengster Island, carried out on July 26, can be considered less successful. A group of border guards consisting of 31 people under the command of Senior Lieutenant P.V. Kurilov. and senior political instructor A.I. Rumyantsev was landed with the goal of capturing the island, destroying the garrison and blowing up the lighthouse that the enemy used to monitor our ships in the fairway of the Gulf of Finland.

On August 11, the reconnaissance group of the 5th border outpost under the command of Lieutenant Lukin and political instructor Ivanov, with the support of three amphibious tanks, successfully carried out combat reconnaissance and clearing of the enemy islands Itterholm, Aschsher, Fofengan, Furusher, Grenscher, Bjornholm during the night. Having mined a significant part of the islands under heavy artillery fire, the group safely returned to base, having lost one tank.

In September - October 1941 Under the leadership of Major Gridnev, reconnaissance and search groups were created three times, which operated on enemy territory with the aim of capturing the language and reconnaissance of the land defense sector.

At the end of October 1941 Due to the impossibility of supplying the besieged peninsula, and with the approaching freeze-up, a decision was made to evacuate the Hanko garrison. 88 ships of the Baltic Fleet took part in the evacuation of the garrison, 25 of them died during the transition. A total of 27,809 people were loaded, of which 22,822 people were delivered to Kronstadt, Oranienbaum and Leningrad. In addition, 18 tanks, 1,500 tons of food and 1,265 tons of ammunition were removed.

The 8th separate rifle brigade was reorganized into the 136th rifle division under the command of Major General N.P. Simonyak, which took part in the defense of Leningrad. The 99th border detachment became part of the rear guard troops of the Leningrad Front.

In conclusion, I would like to make a small lyrical digression. Throughout the defense of the peninsula, the political department of the base published the newspaper "Red Gangut", and leaflets were also regularly published, both for Soviet soldiers and for propaganda among enemy troops. About 30 leaflets were issued in Finnish and Swedish. During the most difficult period of defense of the peninsula, K.G. Mannerheim personally addressed the Khankovites with an offer of honorable captivity. The appeal ended with an ultimatum, giving two days to think about it. During this period, with the approval of the political department of the base, a “Response to Baron Mannerheim” was compiled in the spirit of a letter from the Cossacks to the Turkish Sultan. Authors of the leaflet: Prorokov B.I. and Dudin M.A.. The leaflet was distributed along with the next issue of the newspaper. With her unexpected audacity, she diverted the attention of the fighters from Mannerheim’s appeal and became a good option for counter-propaganda. Despite the profanity in the text. Below is the text of this document; judging by the quality of the paper and the printed font, its authenticity is beyond doubt.

Fighting on the Peninsula

The guns of the Hanko railway batteries, in cooperation with the batteries of Osmussaar Island and the Tahkuna Peninsula, the island of Hiuma (Dago), provided reliable defense of the central mine-artillery position. Located on the main skerry fairway, the base did not allow enemy ships and vessels, mainly Finnish, to cross from the Gulf of Bothnia to the Gulf of Finland and back. Therefore, the Finns’ desire to capture Hanko as quickly as possible is understandable.

In the period from June 22 to June 29, the Finns were not active. There were flights of single aircraft that dropped bombs on the city and harbor; the damage from these bombs was minor.

On the Finnish side, explosions were heard and intensive construction of wire fences, forest debris, trenches, bunkers and pillboxes was observed.

By June 29, the Finnish army completed its concentration on the border with the USSR. On this day, an official message was received about the start of military operations by Finland. From that time on, the Finns began to conduct intensive mortar and artillery shelling of the Hanko Peninsula and nearby islands.

The enemy gradually brought his batteries into operation. He began with systematic shelling of the city, the port, the defense line of the 8th Infantry Brigade and the islands. Soon all the enemy batteries opened fire and the entire territory of the base came under fire.

As it turned out later, the enemy from different directions used 31 batteries of caliber from 76 to 203 mm against the Hanko garrison against our 17 batteries. In addition, 254-mm guns of Finnish battleships operated against the base for more than two months.

The former commander of the base, General S.I. Kabanov, recalled: “It is unbearable to fight when the rear of the base, roadstead, port, city are accessible not only to fire, but also to visual control of enemy observation posts located nearby - on islands and lighthouses. So, of course, it was impossible to select and determine the boundaries of the base. Even assuming that Finland would not fight against us, although such an assumption is unlikely, we should have thought about our flanks in the skerry area.”

The summer of 1941 was hot and dry. The forest, which covered more than four-fifths of the peninsula's territory, was burning from shelling. Thousands of soldiers, isolated from the construction of defense lines and other equally important facilities, extinguished these fires. The enemy acted insidiously: having caused a fire in a forest or city with incendiary shells, he immediately switched to shelling the burning areas with high-explosive fragmentation shells.

Each of our batteries had two observation posts. Observers sat on them around the clock, detecting enemy firing points. There were also observation posts in the divisions. As a rule, they were located on tall buildings, on specially built towers, on the tops of mighty trees. The observers were armed with binoculars and stereo scopes. All survey data were carefully recorded. A map of the coordinates of enemy batteries was created, indicating the caliber, range and rate of fire.

At the sector command post and on the batteries there were maps of individual areas of the front line. The squares marked with multi-colored pencils had conventional names. All these squares were sighted in advance. There were initial data for each goal.

The most active Finnish batteries were distributed among the SBO batteries, loaded guns were aimed at them in advance, and with the first salvo of the enemy, fire from several of our batteries instantly fell on them.

This method of suppression forced the enemy to change their firing tactics. He began to fire with 8–12 batteries simultaneously, firing no more than 2–3 salvos from each battery, without following any sequence. But by the second salvo, the SBO duty batteries were already opening fire back.

The situation on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War changed quickly. On June 29, our troops left Libau. On the same day, the Finns launched an offensive on the Karelian Isthmus. On June 30, Nazi units reached the river line. Daugava and took Riga. The Baltic Fleet lost two naval bases.

As early as June 28, aerial reconnaissance established that the enemy was concentrating troops in the Västervik area on the Podvalandet Peninsula, probably for a landing on the island of Horsen.

The lack of reliable defensive fortifications, continuous fires, the small number of the garrison, the presence of nearby enemy islands and convenient crossings for capturing them forced the base command to decide to remove the garrison from Horsen and transfer it to the island of Meden, which was done on the night of June 29-30. As it turned out later, this was a wrong decision by the base command. The Finns immediately occupied the island of Horsen.

The plan for ground and anti-landing defense, built on deep echeloning of defensive structures and troops operating there, was correct and ensured the rigidity of the defense and the difficulty of overcoming it by the enemy.

Its disadvantages include the small number of garrisons and the weakness of the islands' engineering equipment, which in the first period of the war did not provide not only reliable protection of these islands, but even reliable observation of the enemy. The hasty abandonment of the island of Horsen and the capture of the island of Älmholm by the Finns were the result of this lack of defense.

The base command had information that regiments of the 17th Finnish Infantry Division, as well as individual unknown units, were standing in front of its front. It was urgent to find out the composition of the enemy group; it was necessary to take prisoners. The head of reconnaissance of the 8th OSB, Captain I. I. Trusov, had already prepared a plan for conducting an reconnaissance operation, but it was not necessary to carry it out.

On the night of June 30 to July 1, the enemy attacked the base from the isthmus for the first time. After powerful artillery preparation, the enemy launched an offensive on the right flank near Lappvik station. In this place there was a junction of both roads leading deep into the peninsula - the highway and the railway.

He delivered the main blow in the sector of the 2nd battalion of the 335th Infantry Regiment, commanded by Captain Ya. S. Sukach. Having a significant superiority in forces, the enemy rushed forward, regardless of losses. But none of the Soviet soldiers flinched. The company of Lieutenant I.P. Khorkov especially distinguished himself in this battle.

The company was supported by two batteries and a machine gun company of the regiment. The attack on enemy batteries followed immediately. The shelling of our battle formations stopped, but machine-gun and machine gun fire increased. The enemy infantry, despite heavy losses, continued to fiercely attack the firing points located on the front line.

Battalion commander Ya. S. Sukach sought to destroy the advancing enemy soldiers without revealing his fire system. The commander of the platoon of 76-mm guns, Lieutenant D.F. Kozlov, was given orders to roll out one of his guns from cover and, shooting direct fire with shrapnel, hit the advancing infantry. This gun, which fired over two hundred aimed shots, was commanded by Sergeant F. Gnatenko.

After a two-hour battle, the enemy battalion, which had suffered heavy losses, began to retreat. Up to 40 of his corpses remained at the wire fence. When interviewing prisoners, it turned out that a specially equipped enemy reconnaissance detachment was supposed to break through the defenses of the peninsula’s defenders at the junction of the 2nd and 3rd battalions and capture the village and the Lappvik railway station. After this, a special group of enemy troops was supposed to enter the breakthrough with the task of breaking into the depths of the peninsula and capturing the port and city of Hanko.

The fighting on the isthmus of the peninsula lasted more than six hours. The offensive, on the success of which the enemy obviously had high hopes, completely failed. Two companies of Shyutskorites, who, despite heavy losses, managed to overcome the wire fence and wedge into our defenses, were destroyed. The captured soldiers from the Swedish volunteer battalion confirmed that their unit was part of the 17th Infantry Division of the Finnish Army.

In this defensive battle, the commander of the 335th regiment, Colonel N. S. Nikanorov, and the chief of staff of the regiment, Major S. M. Putilov, thoughtfully and clearly led the military operations. Both of them knew well the capabilities of their troops and the personal qualities of all the commanders subordinate to them, skillfully organized the interaction of units and managed them.

The enemy's plan to break through to the peninsula from land was thwarted thanks to the courage and steadfastness of Hanko's defenders. In this battle, Red Army soldiers Pyotr Sokur and Nikolai Andrienko from the 4th company of Lieutenant I.P. Khorkov distinguished themselves. Being hidden near a wire fence, they were the first to discover the advancing enemy and opened fire with rifles. The attackers, not paying attention to the secret, rushed to the wire, cut it and rushed into the depths of our defense. P. Sokur and N. Andrienko remained in the rear, both fighters held a perimeter defense in their trench. When the 4th company, reinforced by reserves, launched a counterattack, the Finns began to retreat. P. Sokur and N. Andrienko met them with grenades and fire from rifles and a captured machine gun. Moreover, they managed to capture one officer and four soldiers.

For the heroism and courage shown in the first battle, many soldiers and commanders of the 8th Separate Rifle Brigade received orders and medals. A soldier of the 4th company of the 2nd battalion of the 335th rifle regiment, P. T. Sokur, was awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union.

The successful repulsion of the attack was greatly facilitated by the SBO artillery, which had pre-targeted lines on the land sector and accurately fired at the enemy.

At 04.26 on July 1, a small group of Finns, numbering up to half a company, landed on the island of Krokan under the cover of mortar fire. This small island was separated from the neighboring island on which the Finns were located by a strait twenty meters wide. There was a tiny garrison on Krokan - 22 soldiers and sergeants of the 8th rifle company of the 3rd battalion of the 335th regiment and the command of the SNiS post. It was impossible to build any fortifications on the rocky island. Hiding behind the rocks, the island’s defenders opened aimed fire at the enemy, and grenades were thrown at the enemy soldiers from above. The enemy paratroopers wavered and ran back to the water, to the boats, leaving nine dead in place.

During these days, a sniper movement began along the entire land border, which played a large role in the defense of Gangut. The best shooters of the brigade and the border guards who remained in the defense on the land sector acquired sniper rifles with optical sights. Changing positions every now and then, they successfully hunted for enemy soldiers and officers. In just one day, July 1, 22 enemy soldiers were killed by snipers. The famous Gangut sniper Grigory Isakov killed 118 enemy soldiers and officers during the defense of the base.

In the defense sector of the 270th Infantry Regiment, commanded by Colonel N.D. Sokolov, the enemy fired artillery at the battle formations on July 3. The positions of Captain V. S. Polyakov’s battalion were subjected to the heaviest fire, but as soon as the Shyutskorites rose to attack, the regiment’s firing points came to life and destroyed the enemy soldiers who had broken through.

The naval base was still officially called Hanko, but the defenders of the peninsula themselves called themselves Ganguts, and the base was increasingly unofficially called Gangut. Even the basic newspaper “Boevaya Vakhta” changed its name to “Red Gangut”.

In the naval defense sector in the first months of the war, the main enemy was the Finnish coastal defense battleships Ilmarinen and Väinemäinen. On July 3 and 4, while in the area west of the island of Ére, they shelled the city and port, firing 18 main caliber (254 mm) shells. As a result of the shelling, there was destruction and fires at the base, and four houses burned down.

Not only were the armadillos not visible, but their location was also unknown. From the flashes it was only possible to determine the direction from which they were firing. Our BO batteries, due to ignorance of the battleship’s mooring location, could not return fire, and there were no torpedo boats in the base to attack it, since they were recalled to the southern coast of the Gulf of Finland. There were no bombers in the base that could bomb the battleships. Thus, the enemy carried out these attacks with complete impunity.

It was not possible to detect the battleship immediately. Repeated attempts by groups of 4–6 fighters to comb the skerries were unsuccessful. Then the pilots noticed the somewhat unusual shape and color of the northern coastal edge of Bengtskär Island.

A couple - L. Belousov and P. Biskup - flew to the island to check the suspicions. They approached the target at low level. The Seagulls met anti-aircraft fire. At that moment, the coastal defense battleship Ilmarinen was spotted. It stood near a steep bank, covered with nets the color of pine crowns, eight 105-mm anti-aircraft guns, four 40-mm and eight 20-mm machine guns of the battleship opened fierce fire on the scouts. However, having descended to the water itself, they escaped unharmed.

The base command asked the naval air force to bomb the battleship. On July 5, 14 SB planes took off to bomb the battleship. Not finding a ship in the skerries, they dropped bombs on a reserve target - in an area where enemy troops were gathering on the isthmus.

In order to counter possible attempts to break through by light forces and to strengthen the anti-landing defense of Hanko, mine laying was carried out. The database for this purpose included 400 small German mines from the First World War.

The base command gave the OVR the order to mine all the approach channels to the peninsula. Only the secret fairways for the passage of our ships should have been left untouched. The mine laying was supervised by the flagship miner of the OVRA A. N. Bashkirov.

Unfortunately, the naval base did not have special ships either for laying minefields or for carrying out minesweeping operations. An ordinary barge was adapted to lay mines.

Late in the evening of June 28, to the west of the peninsula, the first minefield was laid from the R-55 barge towed by the Volna GISU. The staging was provided by two boats - PK-237 and MO-311. The next day, the I-17 tug and the P-55 barge, accompanied by boats, laid an anti-landing minefield in Grossarsbukten Bay. On June 28 and 29, 100 small German mines with a depth of 3 feet (about 1 m) were deployed.

On July 1, the OR-1 tugboat laid two mine canisters, 5 minutes each, southwest of the Hanko Peninsula, where the movement of enemy watercraft had previously been observed.

On July 8 and 9, in order to protect the approach to the base from the sea, a minefield was placed south of Russare Island. The mines were placed from a barge towed by the Volna GISU.

20 days later, on July 29, the OR-1 tug and the PK-239 boat laid out several mine cans. In total, the base's boats and auxiliary vessels laid 367 mines.

The enemy did not resist the laying of minefields. All minefields were well covered by fire from BO batteries.

The ship's patrols monitored the enemy. At the same time, the “small hunters” boats, which carried out patrols, carried out anti-submarine defense on the approach fairways to Hanko.

However, using the entire stock of mines in the base only for anti-landing defense in the form of laying mines directly off one’s shores was not enough. It was necessary, using torpedo boats and MoD boats, to place some of the mines on the routes of the enemy’s military and merchant ships, as well as in the areas of his skerry maneuver bases. Due to the absence of active minelaying, the enemy fleet was not constrained in its actions and carried out both shelling of the base and assistance to the garrisons of its islands with impunity.

The OVR sailors not only laid mines. They were given a new task - to destroy floating mines driven by waves from the Baltic. During fairly frequent storms, mines placed in the throat of the Gulf of Finland by German, Finnish and Soviet ships often broke loose from their anchors and, drifting in the gulf at the will of the wind and currents, posed a threat to ships stationed in the port. As a rule, after each storm, one or two drifting mines appeared in the area of ​​the Khankov raid. They created a serious threat to ships stationed in the roadstead and in the port. The water area adjacent to the island of Gustavsvern was carefully monitored. The same observation was carried out from other OVR observation posts. A special demolition team was created to destroy the discovered mines. It was headed by Sergeant Major Andreev. On the raid boat KM, towing a boat in tow, the demolition men went out to carry out a combat mission. To destroy a mine, you need to shoot it from a cannon. A machine gun and rifle are not suitable for this task. Through bullet holes, water can enter the body of the mine, and then it, acquiring zero buoyancy, will remain hidden under the surface of the sea and create an even greater threat to shipping. There were no guns on the "kaemkas". Therefore, there was only one way left: to approach the floating mine on a boat, hang a demolition cartridge on its horns, then light the fuse fuse and row as quickly as possible to a safe distance.

Control trawling of the fairways was carried out by KM boats. However, their limited seaworthiness made it possible to combat mines only on fairways located inside the skerry area. But since there were no other watercraft, the “kaemki” also dared to trawl the exit fairways outside the skerry area.

Due to the enemy's precise knowledge of the main fairways and navigational signs in the Hanko area and in order to hinder his possible actions, all peacetime navigational signs were destroyed, the beacons were extinguished, and minefields were placed on the fairways.

In this regard, the base's hydraulic department was tasked with laying new fairways and providing them with reliable fencing for the navigation of their ships both day and night.

For night navigation in the closed area of ​​the Hanko base, handling points were equipped on the islands of Stura-Stenscher and Lindskär, and a buoy with a fire was installed at the 5-meter Sytin bank, which fenced off the bank and the southwestern edge of the minefield.

On the inner fairways, the standard night lighting was not turned on at all, and the daytime fencing was removed and replaced with conditional pokes. Manipulation points were turned on only by order of the operational duty officer (OD) of the naval base headquarters. The order was transmitted by radio using conventional signals directly to the aid stations, which were serviced by the personnel of the hydraulic district. To enter the base, ship commanders were required to inform the base headquarters OD in advance by radio. Having received permission, the ships had to approach the approach point, where they were met by a special ship, in the wake of which they followed to the base, or they received a pilot from this ship and, under his guidance, proceeded independently to their destination.

Three new fairways were laid from the approach point, accessible for the passage of ships with a draft of up to 8 m. The newly laid fairways were examined by control sounding and trawling. The main turns were fenced off with conditional bumps.

The entry, exit and placement of ships according to disposition were entrusted to the base's flagship navigator S.F. Menshikov, who was assigned personnel of the military pilot service. Pilotage service was provided by an MO boat or tugboat, and later by the gunboat Laine, which went to the approach point for receiving and escorting ships.

In those conditions when the opening of control points was undesirable, to orient their ships (by prior agreement) they used the illumination of searchlights at the zenith, the firing of the Russare and Heste-Busset batteries, as well as the exit of a guard ship with sector colored fire.

By implementing these measures, the free navigation of our ships was achieved and the navigation of enemy ships was made difficult.

The closure of all known fairways, the destruction of peacetime landmarks and lights, the blocking of fairways with mines, the establishment of completely new fairways, strict regimes and navigation rules were the right measures and fully justified themselves.

An attempt by enemy torpedo boats to break into the base along peacetime fairways failed.

During the hostilities and until the end of the evacuation of Hanko, over 130 ships and vessels were brought into and out of the base, and among them were ships of large displacement: the turbo-electric ship Joseph Stalin, the minelayers Marti and Ural, the floating workshop Serp and Molot ", transports and destroyers.

At 8.00 on July 4, four transports from Tallinn arrived at the port - Vilsandi, Someri, Aegna and Abruka, escorted by the patrol ship Burya, BTShch-214 Bugel and four torpedo boats. Half an hour later, the warships left for Tallinn. The transports delivered ammunition, gasoline, food, engineering equipment and a machine gun company. Its 12 heavy machine guns were distributed between the island of Heste-Busse, which needed strengthening of defense, and the second combat area. The defenders of the base hastily strengthened the fire protection of the northern coast of the peninsula from landings.

During the day, the enemy fired at the airfield and the islands of Kuen, Meden, Hermanse and transports in the port.

On July 4, three enemy aircraft were destroyed in the sky over Hanko: one by anti-aircraft gunners and two by pilots. I-16 A.K. Antonenko and P.A. Brinko were on duty at the airfield. Two Yu-88 bombers appeared in the sky above the base. Antonenko and Brinko took off and shot them both down. Only four minutes passed from the moment of takeoff to the outcome of the battle. Alexey Antonenko and Pyotr Brinko were the first in the Baltic to establish the excellent maneuverability of a pair in air combat instead of a three-aircraft flight.

The gunsmiths placed PC missile launchers under the planes of the fighters. This significantly increased the firepower of the aircraft and their effectiveness when operating against ground and sea targets.

On July 5, the same pilots shot down another Yu-88; the air battle lasted only a minute. The crash site of the Junkers was spotted by anti-aircraft gunners. Divers recovered the pilots' bodies from the water. According to the documents found on them, it was established that the pilots fought in Spain, France, and flew over England and the Balkans. They flew in from an airfield in Latvia.

At 4.30 on July 5, a landing group of 45 people, supported by SBO artillery and MBR-2 aircraft, captured Walterholm Island. The enemy retreated as the landing party approached. This was the first of the islands taken by the Khankovites (in total, they took 18 islands before October).

On this day, 15 DB-3 bombed a coastal battery on the island of Skogby in the Hanko area. At 19.40 three schooners with cargo arrived at Hanko.

On the night of July 7, the enemy attacked the front line on the left flank with significant forces, in the Sogars area in the defense zone of the battalion of Captain Ya. S. Sukach. And again, the barrage fire that opened in time helped: it was conducted by batteries of the 343rd artillery regiment and mortars of the 2nd battalion of the 335th rifle regiment. The attack was successfully repulsed, the enemy lost up to two companies.

The next day - July 8 - the enemy again, after strong artillery bombardment, attacked units of the 8th Brigade, but on the right flank, in the Lappvik area. And again, having suffered losses, the Finns returned to their original positions.

On July 7, MBR-2 seaplanes were used as bombers for the first time. Senior Lieutenant Ignatenko, Lieutenants P.F. Streletsky and S. Volkov bombed the Finnish battle formations, resulting in large forest fires. SBO artillery fired on the island of Storholm.

On July 8, A. Antonenko and P. Brinko flew to Tallinn. Along the way they shot down one Yu-88. While returning to Hanko, they noticed two Fiats heading towards the base and also shot them down. On July 14, A.K. Antonenko and P.A. Brinko were the first among the Baltic pilots to become Heroes of the Soviet Union. Comrades in arms called A.K. Antonenko “the Baltic Chkalov.”

Other Hanko pilots also fought heroically. On July 5, A. Baysultanov and A. Kuznetsov flew to reconnaissance of the Turku area on I-16. Noticing four Fokker D-21 fighters taking off from the airfield, they attacked the enemy at an altitude of 200–300 m and shot down two Fokkers, which fell on their own airfield. The other two avoided the fight. Returning to Hanko, A. Baysultanov and A. Kuznetsov discovered a boat with soldiers in the skerries, attacked it and sank it.

There were 15–16 aircraft at Hanko airfield and there was not a single shelter for them. Since the enemy fired at the airfield with guns of 152–203 mm caliber, the airfield after the shelling was covered with craters two deep and up to four meters in diameter. The Finns opened fire immediately after the planes took off. We had to constantly keep a construction battalion of 1,000 people at the airfield. His fighters, working under fire, managed to fill up the craters and keep the runway ready.

But the planes also suffered while parked. On July 6, an I-153 fighter was destroyed by a direct hit, and three similar aircraft were disabled.

The engineering service proposed building a second runway perpendicular to the main one. In a short time, a kilometer-long strip was cleared of forest and huge boulders, leveled, and on July 9, the squadron commander, Captain L. G. Belousov himself, tested it on the I-153. Taking off from the new runway, he went into battle. The enemy, not yet figuring out where the plane had taken off from, opened fire on the main airfield. But a stray shell also landed on the reserve runway; it was not noticed in time and the crater was not filled up. During landing, L.G. Belousova's "seagull" capped and crashed. The pilot survived with only minor bruises.

The enemy spent two, three, four thousand mines and shells a day, and later reached six thousand. Hanko's artillerymen could not afford such luxury. The defenders of the base had little ammunition, and the position of the defenders forced them to think about the future. They spared no ammunition to repel the assault, but they could not return fire with fire. They tried to conduct each shooting accurately and prudently. One hundred, two, or at most three hundred shells and mines - this is our daily norm.

From the first days of the war, it was necessary to take into account the consumption of ammunition, and the headquarters strictly monitored this important matter. If they received anything from Tallinn, it was mainly for anti-aircraft and coastal batteries. The rifle brigade and other units received nothing. I had to save money.

According to the latest intelligence reports from naval headquarters, the 163rd German division is concentrated in the Hanko area. The base commander asked the brigade commander what had been done to successfully repel an attack by an entire division. N.P. Simonyak reported: two rifle regiments of the brigade occupy a defense line up to three kilometers deep. The 94th and 95th engineering and construction battalions transferred to the brigade and the 219th engineer battalion were consolidated into a rifle regiment. This regiment, together with the border detachment and the 297th separate tank battalion, form the reserve of the brigade.

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E. VOISKUNSKY.

The Hanko Peninsula (Gangut in Russian), located at the entrance to the Gulf of Finland, became the most important strategic point from the first days of the Great Patriotic War. The defenders of Hanko not only did not allow a single large enemy ship into the Gulf of Finland, which could pose a serious threat to Leningrad, but also drew significant enemy forces onto themselves at the most decisive moment. The defense of the peninsula lasted 164 days and ended on December 2, 1941. The defenders left undefeated. They left the outpost, obeying the orders of the Supreme Command. For various reasons, not much is known about the heroic pages of the war in the Gulf of Finland. Writer Evgeny Lvovich Voiskunsky, a participant in the fighting on the Hanko Peninsula, tells how it happened. The name of E. Voiskunsky is also familiar to readers from books written in collaboration with I. Lukodyanov in the fantasy genre - “The Crew of the Mekong” (1962), “The Very Distant Tartessus” (1968), “The Splash of the Starry Seas” (1970), “ Ur, son of Sham" (1975), as well as from those works that have appeared in recent years: "Kronstadt", "It's a Small World", "Girls' Dreams". And our long-time subscribers probably remember his story "Chimera", which published in the magazine (see "Science and Life" No. 7-11, 1995).

Writer Evgeny Lvovich Voiskunsky. Photo by A. Moiseev. 2004

Hanko Peninsula on the map. The defenders of this outpost - it was also called the "Baltic Gibraltar" - left undefeated.

Poems by Mikhail Dudin with drawings by artist Boris Prorokov, published in the newspaper "Red Gangut". 1941

“Children of Captain Granin” - that’s what the Ganguts called the naval paratroopers. October 1941. Photo by V. Rudny.

In response to the appeal: “Give up!” - the defenders of Gangut wrote a caustic (in the spirit of the “Letter of the Cossacks to the Turkish Sultan”) “Response to Mannerheim.” October 1941. The paratroopers left these scathing leaflets on enemy territory at night.

Science and life // Illustrations

Fighter pilot senior lieutenant Grigory Semenov. Hanko, 1941. And his miraculously surviving note written to E. Voiskunsky.

Memorial sign for the defense of Hanko.

Monument on the Hanko Peninsula in honor of the Gangutians.

Now few people remember Hanko. Meanwhile, in the first year of the Great Patriotic War, the 164-day defense of this small peninsula in southwestern Finland resounded throughout the country.

Hanko was taken on a long-term lease by the Soviet Union in March 1940, after the end of the Finnish ("winter") war. Hanging over the entrance to the Gulf of Finland, the peninsula occupied a strategically advantageous position on the distant approaches to Leningrad, so the construction of a naval base for the Red Banner Baltic Fleet began here.

There are few of us left, participants in the defense of Hanko. Sometimes I can’t even believe that I was there in my early youth. It looks like a dream. Just headaches from the concussion... and the bitter smell of a burning forest, as if stuck in the nostrils for life, and, of course, the night mine explosions in the Gulf of Finland are etched in my memory. All this was, was...

When, in October 1940, we, young recruits, were taken by ship to the Hanko Peninsula, we knew nothing about it. Then we saw it on the map - such a little boot at the junction of the Gulf of Finland and the Gulf of Bothnia, sprinkled, like cereal, with many small islands.

These islands and rocks, like seal heads sticking out of the water, floated past both sides of the steamer. And a strange feeling arose: the edge of the earth, its fragments...

The steamer moored at the granite wall in the port of Hanko (Ganges in Swedish). We descended onto the rain-wet soil of the peninsula, which was destined to become for us the line dividing life into peace and war.

We piled into trucks and drove along cozy streets through a scattering of colorful cottages. We, who come from urban communal apartments and rural huts, have never seen such housing. Beyond the crossing, the reddish dirt road was surrounded by a pine forest.

This beautiful country corner seemed to consist of pine trees, granite and silence. Now, abandoned by the Finnish population, he seemed to be joining the military guard, obliged to keep the sea approaches to Leningrad under control. The posters called: “Let’s turn the Hanko Peninsula into an impregnable Soviet Gibraltar!”

The construction of the naval base proceeded at a rapid pace. On the coast, among gray and rusty rocks, batteries were installed. They were strengthening the land border with Finland, which ran along a narrow isthmus - here once, as they said at the base, Peter I ordered a clearing to be cut...

Petrovskaya clearing! Well, of course, we could have guessed earlier: this is Gangut! Hanko, Gange-udd, Gangut. The same one, off the coast of which more than two hundred years ago the young Russian fleet won a famous victory over the Swedish squadron. This is where it has taken us!

The battalion, which was joined by young recruits, was building a railway with concrete platforms. We worked hard on the track and in the quarry. Mountains of sand were thrown over our shovels, loading the platforms and dumping ballast onto the insatiable embankment. The battalion worked all winter, and all spring.

That last peaceful spring, starlings sang madly on the forest edge. At sunset, the slender pines shone like battle copper. At the beginning of June, the finished track hummed under the wheels of heavy transporters carrying two batteries of long-range guns - Gangut's main caliber.

And as soon as we, as they say, straightened our tired backs, war broke out.

Finland entered the war on June 25. A barrage of artillery fire fell on Hanko. Thirty-one Finnish batteries struck. There were days when more than four thousand shells and mines exploded on a small peninsula with an area of ​​115 square kilometers. There was not a piece of land here that was inaccessible to fire. There was no rear on Hanko. The town was on fire, beautiful cottages were burning. Smoke drifted over the peninsula. The summer was dry and hot - just right for a fire.

The garrison burrowed underground, bunkers and dugouts were built everywhere. We dug dugouts and trenches on the shore of Tvermine Bay, fenced it off with a barbed wire of two stakes: our area of ​​defense. Every night a Finnish landing was possible.

One day in July, the Finns set fire to the forest adjacent to our defense area with incendiary shells. The battalion was sent to put out a forest fire. The forest was burning terribly. Tongues of fire jumped from pine to pine, from branch to branch with an ominous crackling sound. Old fallen pine needles and peaty soil under its flooring smoldered suffocatingly. Fire sparkled in the clouds of smoke: incendiary shells continued to explode.

We dug ditches to block the path of the fire: after all, it could spread to the entire forested area of ​​the peninsula.

The heat was unbearably scorching. Dripping with sweat, choking from the smoke, we frantically threw away the earth with shovels. The Finns switched from incendiary shells to high-explosive shells. Lying at the bottom of the ditch, I listened with dull indifference to the roar of explosions approaching, to the dull sound of fragments hitting the ground and tree trunks.

The return fire from the Khankov batteries silenced the enemy, and we took up our shovels again...

We must have looked like ghosts as we walked towards our trenches on the shore in the twilight. The native overcoat served as both a mattress and a blanket. We fell asleep to the sound of mosquitoes, and the white night, like a caring mother, enveloped us in a blanket of fog.

Why are we sitting here, feeding mosquitoes? - grumbled soldier Agapkin, the simple-minded “strategist” of our platoon. - We would move to their Helsinki at once.

No, they objected to him. - We need to be transferred to Tallinn. The German is pressing hard on Tallinn.

The huge front was retreating under the harsh onslaught of German army groups, and the Hanko garrison held tightly to its granite “boot”. On the isthmus, Captain Sukach's battalion had already repelled several Finnish assaults. The artillery divisions of captains Granin and Kudryashov fought an intense counter-battery fight. We often heard the bass roar of twelve-inch guns: the heavy batteries of captains Zhilin and Volnovsky were hitting the Finnish rear - under these batteries the rails of the railway built by our battalion hummed.

The Hanko garrison was eager for combat activity. When it was necessary to repel the threat looming over the defense from its island flank, almost all Ganguts - sailors and infantrymen - asked to join the formed landing force. Hanko's offensive spirit was truly amazing, and this spirit was strongly supported by the base commander, Lieutenant General Sergei Kabanov, and the base commissioner, Arseniy Raskin.

Captain Granin, an artilleryman who placed the first battery on Hanko, was appointed commander of the landing detachment. With a dashing blow, the detachment knocked the enemy out of Horsen Island, here Granin “cut” his command post into granite, and from here he began operations to capture the surrounding skerry islands.

His paratroopers were a match for the commander. Here, on the edge of the earth, where the islands are closely packed together, where the straits are narrow and winding, Granin’s paratroopers seemed to be trying to push apart the cramped skerries. The enemy could not withstand their onslaught when they were thrown out of motorboats and boats and burst onto the steepness of Horsen, onto the rocks of Elmholm, Gunholm and other “hills”.

“Children of Captain Granin” was the name given to the paratroopers who captured 19 islands in the skerries surrounding the peninsula. This was the most striking feature of the Gangut defense: deep behind enemy lines, cut off from supply bases, people were rushing into an offensive battle.

“Hanko stands like a rock,” the Baltic Fleet newspaper wrote that “fiery” summer.

Autumn burst in with squally winds. Cold rains fell on the TNT burns of the rocks and on the black conflagrations of Hanko. After the loss of Tallinn and the Moonsund Islands, our peninsula turned out to be the only center of resistance in the west of the Baltic theater of operations. For us, besieged Leningrad became the mainland.

What could the Gangut people count on? Only on the strength of the defense. We tightened our belts: rations were sharply reduced. The artillerymen saved shells - they responded to a hundred Finnish shells with one. They installed homemade gas generators on cars to save gasoline. We understood that the enemy was waiting for the skerries around Hanko to freeze to resume the assault.

In October, I was taken from the battalion to the editorial office of the base newspaper "Red Gangut". Military circumstances turned this newspaper from an ordinary large circulation into the only source of information for the garrison, cut off from the mainland. "Red Gangut" was published daily on four pages. A third of it was filled out by operational reports, messages from the fronts - all of this was received by radio by Sergeant Grisha Syrovatko, a former teacher. The rest of the newspaper space was occupied by local material - a chronicle of the Gangut defense, and this chronicle was created by a small strong team, including the professional artist Boris Prorokov and the young, but also professional, poet Mikhail Dudin. Misha and I immediately became friends for life.

For some time, our beds stood next to each other in one of the closets in the editorial basement. We heated the temporary hut, climbed under the blankets and had long night conversations. The stove quickly burned out, not having time to warm the closet; the frozen walls reeked of cold, from which even greatcoats thrown over the blankets did not help.

“Oh, you southerner, you Caspian freezing creature,” said Misha. - Is it cold? It was cold, do you know where? On the Karelian Isthmus.

The Finnish War, which Dudin went through, shocked him and, I think, determined the fate of the poet. What was in his youthful pre-war poems? The world is “crisp, snowy, in carved, patterned silver”; “snowy” of course rhymed with “gentle”, and that was very good. But the menacing years passed, gunpowder smoke wafted from the borders. I don’t know whether Dudin even then recognized himself as a spokesman for the generation that had grown up to war. But then he wrote about his fate:

We only dreamed of the smoke of battles
And the darkness is alarming.
And here's a life without regrets
I took it, stopped for books,
And she brought me and said: “Touch it,
Take a rifle, a bowler hat..."

He wrote:

Walk, my verse, from the ledges
Finnish rocks
With an elastic step of a military gait
And tell me what you didn't tell me
The terse language of the operational summary.

Dudin's voice rang as he read poetry. There was deafening silence in the basement, only the rhythmic clapping of the printing machine could be heard from behind the thick walls. It was as if the tiles of a paddle steamer were clapping on the dark water. And we seemed to be sailing through the night and the storm. Uneducated, unread, unloved, unencumbered by property, ready for a change of place, we sailed to unknown shores...

I walk along the forest road towards the airfield and think with sadness about my leaky boots. Autumn, cold... They say that those of us who were taken to the editorial office from army units will be changed into naval clothes. Hurry up! This is how it happened, I think, stomping through puddles covered with ice - I was afraid of a five-year naval service in order to quickly return to my studies at the institute, but still I decided to join the navy...

The roar of engines overhead! Almost touching the crowns of the pine trees, two “donkeys” that have just taken off - I-16 fighters - go steeply into the gray sky. And then other, well-known sounds arose - a whistle approaching, as if aimed at you, ending in a roar. Through the palisade of pine trees I see black bushes of explosions flying up on the yellow grassy field of the airfield. I lay on the shuddering cold ground at the edge of the airfield and waited for the Hankov batteries to respond to the Finns.

Finally! Cannons roared nearby. The artillery duel went on for some time, and suddenly everything fell silent.

I wandered to squat buildings on the edge of the airfield, everything here was hidden underground: warehouses, fuel containers, and airplanes were in underground shelters. But takeoff and landing always took place under fire. Hearing the sound of the engines starting, the Finns immediately began shelling. As if with a giant plow, the enemy artillery was plowing the airfield - a “bald patch” in the middle of the forest. But as soon as the fire began to subside, a lorry loaded with bricks and sand drove onto the field, the airfield commandant, Lieutenant Mukhin, jumped out of the cabin and the soldiers of the airfield company ran with a stretcher. They threw bricks into the smoking craters, poured earth, and compacted them with “women.” By the time the fighters returned, the landing strip was level again. They also sat down under fire. The technicians ran out to meet them, grabbed the cars by the bridle and rolled them into the hangars.

In the history of wars, it seems that this is the only airfield that was constantly under fire. There was nowhere to move it.

The sky of Hanko was covered by a squadron of "gulls" of Captain Belousov and "donkeys" of Captain Leonovich. And not only the Gangut sky. Khankovsky pilots fought in the fire-scorched sky of Tallinn and over the islands of the Moonsund archipelago. They shot down dozens of German and Finnish aircraft. A brilliant galaxy of air fighters, whose names thundered throughout the Baltic: Antonenko, Brinko, Belousov, Tsokolaev, Golubev, Baysultanov and others - almost all became Heroes of the Soviet Union.

One of them, Grigory Semenov, sent a drawing to the editor: a naval battle seen from above through the eyes of a pilot. Under the drawing there is a caption: “Sketch of a future painting.”

“We need to write about this battle,” said the editor, battalion commissar Edelstein. And, having probably read the silent request in my gaze, he concluded: “Go to the airfield to see Semenov. We’ll give you an essay with a drawing.”

I found senior lieutenant Semyonov - thick-set, wide-cheeked, with light eyes - in one of the dugouts near the airfield. I was afraid that he would speak in the spirit that, they say, some boy was sent as a correspondent. But Semyonov sat me down near the bat lamp, treated me to Belomor, we lit a cigarette, and he began to tell me.

There was a battle on the island of Ezel - tragic and bloody. A flotilla of German ships entered Luu Bay and rained fire on the positions of the island’s defenders. A group of Soviet torpedo boats under the command of Captain-Lieutenant Gumanenko attacked German ships. The boats were covered from the air by Semenov and his wingman Dorogov in two Seagulls. Between the shreds of smoke, Semenov saw how the boats broke through the barrage and slammed torpedoes into the light cruiser of the Cologne class. A giant pillar of fire and smoke! The cruiser, having broken apart, is sinking. The boats turn to attack other ships, and then the Messerschmitts and Heinkel-115, nicknamed the “Lapotnik” for its huge floats, swoop in. Semyonov throws his "seagull" into a low-level flight and hits the "bast shoe" with long bursts. Black smoke poured out thickly, and the Heinkel crashed into the water. And Dorogov fights off the “Messers”, and Semenov hurries to help his wingman. There is an aerial carousel in the sky, lines of queues criss-crossing. "Seagulls" are inferior to "Messers" in speed, but take advantage of their advantage in maneuverability. Meanwhile, the boats are breaking through to new targets...

Semyonov, telling the story and, as is usual with pilots, pointing with his hands, relives this amazing battle, his excitement is transmitted to me.

Why did you write “Sketch for a future painting” under your drawing? - I ask.

I don’t know myself,” Semyonov does not answer right away. - It’s all very clear before my eyes... Maybe someday I’ll try it with paints... I used to draw in my school years...

Prorokov’s student, Red Navy man Vanya Shpulnikov, transferred Semenov’s sketch onto linoleum (we didn’t have zincography), and the drawing was published in the newspaper along with my essay.

Soon Semyonov stopped by the editorial office, but did not find me (I was on the islands) and left a note in which he thanked me for the essay and asked me to get him a Finnish knife in memory of Hanko.

In 1942, Grigory Semenov died in an air battle over Ladoga. His note has survived to this day. I also keep the miniature photo card that Semenov gave me. Wide-cheeked, sternly knitted eyebrows, he looks at me with fearless light eyes from the distant 1941.

After the November holidays, I went on instructions from the editors to the islands of the western flank.

There were cold, moonless nights, stitched with colored trails of machine-gun fire. The flashes of rockets illuminated the gloomy rocks and pines of the skerry islands and the narrow straits between them with a ghostly light.

On Elmholm, when I walked from the pier to the command post dugout, spent cartridges clinked under my boots: it seemed that the whole island was covered with them.

Älmholm, an islet northwest of Horsen, was given the code name "Mill". It is no coincidence that this pile of rocks covered with pine forests was so named. Granin's paratroopers captured Älmholm back in July. The Finns tried to take it away several times. In August there were stubborn battles on the island, and this accursed “Mill” crushed many lives. Here, one of the bravest fighters of Gangut, Lieutenant Anatoly Fetisov, died: he stood up to his full height to signal the boats with reinforcements, which, not knowing exactly the situation, were approaching the shore captured by the Finns - and he was struck down by machine gun fire. From here, in the midst of the battle, when the telephone connection was cut off, Alyosha Gridenko, a Baltic eaglet, swam under fire to Horsen to report the situation. Here, after the death of Fetisov, the Red Navy man Boris Barkhatov took command and managed with a handful of fighters to hold the island until reinforcements arrived - the platoon of Ivan Shcherbanovsky. Midshipman Shcherbanovsky, a former merchant sailor, was, one might say, a born paratrooper. Bold and brave, black-bearded, like the commander of the detachment, he, with a captured Suomi machine gun and lemons in the pockets of his pea coat, threw himself ashore with his guys and, running from rock to rock, went ahead.

The northern cape of Elmholm was separated from the large Finnish island of Storholm by a strait 50-60 meters wide. He went there at night to check the posts of the Sakhno platoon commander, and I, throwing my rifle behind my back, tagged along with him. We climbed onto a narrow, bare, rocky isthmus leading to the northern cape and crawled. You can’t walk here even at night: it’s an open place, and rockets hang like chandeliers, and a machine gun fires from Storholm. It is unpleasant to feel like a living, slowly moving target. Bullets whistled overhead and clicked against the stone.

Finally we crawled to the toe, rolled into a crevice in the rock - there was a well-camouflaged caponier. A smokebox burned dimly on the cartridge box - a wick inserted into a flattened cartridge case from a 37-mm projectile.

I met the commander of the squad keeping watch here, on the toe, Sergeant Nikolai Kravchun. Impetuous in his movements, with hot brown eyes, he bombarded me with questions: what's new on the mainland? (For the islanders, the mainland was the Hanko Peninsula.) How is it near Moscow? Why do our people now respond to the Finns not with one shell per hundred, but also: as they lay, fragments sometimes rain down on us - is it that they have stopped saving shells?

Kravchun pulled out a can of canned food and captured biscuits from somewhere. He told how one day a soldier was crawling here, to the cape, dragging a large thermos of borscht tied to his back, a machine-gun burst pierced the thermos, and the soldier was doused with everything - it’s good that the borscht was not too hot. The fighter jumped up out of anger and, swearing at the whole of Finland, walked the rest of the way at full height. The Finns were probably gasping in amazement - they didn’t cut it off. Previously, they used to carry grub in thermoses. Every lunch is like a military operation. Well, now we’ve gotten the hang of cooking here on the cape. “Tell me what,” Kravchun fixed a demanding look on me. “The Dates have buzzed our ears: the commissars are fleeing from Hanko, abandoning you, ordinary soldiers. Moscow is about to fall, St. Petersburg too. I know it’s nonsense. But where did the rumor come from? , that we will be removed from Gangut?

That’s right, before the holidays ships arrived from Kronstadt. It was rumored that there would be more convoys that would take out part of the garrison. But, of course, I really didn’t know anything.

A soldier looked into the caponier and said in a hoarse whisper:

Something is wrong on the Tail. Come out and listen, Sergeant.

Following Kravchun, I climbed out of the caponier. Shielding myself from the icy wind, I lay on the rocky ground and stared at the huge, ominously black hump of the island right in front of me, across a narrow strait: Storholm, code-named “Tail”. We listened into the night, but heard nothing except the howling of the wind and the splashing of the surf.

Suddenly there was a slight rustling sound... a muffled voice, as if they were swearing... again suspicious silence...

Kravchun ducked into the caponier and twisted the handle of the field telephone. And - in an undertone:

Kravchun reports. There is a faint noise on the "Tail". It’s as if something was dragged along the pebbles... Yes! “When he returned, he whispered to me: “They’ll report to the command post now.”

About ten minutes later, two rockets took off from Horsen, one after another. The cannon gasped and shells began to explode on the Tail. With flashes of fire, we saw dark figures running along the shore, boats capsized, and heard furious screams.

Satan perkkala! - came between two gaps.

They whistled and shards hit the stone.

To the caponier, quickly! - Kravchun shouted. - The concert will begin now!

He struck a match in the caponier and lit the extinguished fuse.

Have you seen it? The Horsen forty-five hits the “Tail”. We thwarted the landing of the "dates". They were already boarding the boats.

The night seemed to explode. Mines flew from Storholm with a devilish howl. The Finns hammered at Cape Elmholm for at least an hour: they knew who had thwarted their plan. It seemed as if our shelter was about to collapse. But it survived.

Did we worry about the question: how long can we hold out, how long will food and ammunition last? Only the authorities knew about this, but the daily work of the war did not allow us to relax and drove away disturbing thoughts.

And Gangut was not so much worried for himself as for Moscow. On the isthmus, on the islands, the participants in the defense heard radio horns shouting on the other side: “German troops will enter Moscow tomorrow! Your resistance is pointless, throw down your weapons, surrender!”

Baron Mannerheim himself addressed the Gangutians with a special message. "Valiant defenders of Hanko!" - the message began with such unusual words. Further, the baron assured the Ganguts that he highly appreciated their military valor, but since the situation was hopeless, he called for an end to resistance and surrender, promising good treatment.

Poleshchuk, an instructor from the political department, came to the editorial office:

Brothers, we need to draw up a response to Mannerheim!

The idea aroused enthusiasm. It was decided to carry out a response message in the spirit of a “letter from the Cossacks to the Turkish Sultan.” And it turned out to be biting; they didn’t mince words. Prorokov supplied the “manifesto” with such drawings that it was impossible to look at them without laughing. They said that even our stern base commander, General Kabanov, laughed when they showed him the “manifesto.”

Printed in, I don’t remember in what edition, the “answer to Mannerheim” the scouts delivered to enemy territory and, it seems, they were still scattering it from the plane.

The defense of Hanko in scale and historical significance is, of course, incomparable with the gigantic battle of Moscow, but suddenly they found themselves side by side, in the same newspaper line.

In October, Moscow journalist Vladimir Rudny arrived at Hanko with the opportunity, with a detachment of boats. He crawled around all areas of the defense, his myopic eyes behind the glasses could see. Before again having the opportunity to leave Hanko, Rudny wrote on a piece of Whatman paper the text of a letter from the defenders of Gangut to the defenders of Moscow. This letter, signed by General Kabanov and many other Gangutians, heroes of the defense, was published in Pravda on November 2. I remember how our permanent radio operator Grisha Syrovatko ran into the editorial basement, shaking a stack of scribbled sheets of paper: “Advanced Pravda! About us!”

We read, almost unable to believe our eyes:

“In yesterday’s issue of Pravda, a document of enormous power was published: a letter from the defenders of the Hanko Peninsula to the heroic defenders of Moscow. This letter cannot be read without excitement. It seems to be written in blood - through the courageous lines of the letter one can see the unprecedented and unheard of struggle of the Soviet people in history, about whose resilience the people will create legends..." And further: "Moscow must repeat this valiant, heroic feat of the defenders of the Hanko Peninsula on a grand scale!"

The editorial of Pravda, like the response letter from Muscovites to the Ganguts, truly cost many tons of ammunition. "Great honor and immortal glory to you, heroes of Hanko!" - this is how the letter from Muscovites ended.

The pathos makes me cringe. But I will not delete a single loud word from the above texts. They belong to that tense time when the fate of the country was being decided. They have been consigned to the archives of history, but even now I am worried when re-reading these lines.

Our departure from Hanko also belongs to history. Headquarters decided to evacuate the base and transfer its garrison to Leningrad and Kronstadt. 28 thousand fired, not knowing retreat, undefeated fighters are a serious reinforcement for the Leningrad Front and the fleet fighting in the blockade ring.

Well, the “Baltic Gibraltar” has fulfilled its task. He pinned down part of the Finnish army. Not a single large ship of the German fleet entered the Gulf of Finland.

So, evacuation. The ships of the Baltic Fleet squadron had already broken through to Hanko twice and taken part of the garrison to Kronstadt. More caravans were expected.

The enemy, of course, knew about this: the arrival of ships cannot be hidden. Anticipating a situation where only small final barriers would remain on Hanko that would need to be removed covertly, the base command resorted to cunning tactics. For many hours and even days the front line was silent: no shot, no smoke, no voice. It was as if everything had died out. Several times the Finns made forays and probed our defenses: maybe the Russians had really left the peninsula? And then the firing points came to life, once again pushing back the Finnish reconnaissance groups. The trick helped keep the enemy in tense ignorance.

On December 1, the last issue of “Red Gangut” was published. The day before, the editor assigned me to write an editorial - its title spoke for itself: “We’ll be back!” The front line, of course, was full of pathos, hatred, and threats. “Here, every stone, every granite cliff,” it said, “is covered in the glory of Russian weapons... Listen, enemies, wait to gloat: we will return! We will meet with you again! Let this thought burn you with a red-hot iron of horror! We are leaving on our own, undefeated, proudly bearing the glorious name of the Gangut people. We are leaving to beat the German fascist bastard, and we will beat them just as hard as we beat you, in Gangut style...”

(Here I would like to note that half a century later, in June 1991, I visited Hanko with a group of Gangut veterans at the invitation of Finnish veterans, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the battle. It was an exciting trip. Yes, we returned to Hanko - but, of course , not at all as that editorial “promised”. It was not a meeting of enemies, but of friends. And thank God!)

The Gulf of Finland, both shores of which were occupied by the enemy, was swarming with mines. “Soup with dumplings” is what the Baltic people called it. The image is not very funny, but it is accurate.

Part after part they left Gangut, leaving on ships. There were losses. But still there were significantly fewer of them than there could have been.

The farewell salute was a hurricane of fire from the Gangut batteries. Under the roar of cannonade, artillerymen blew up heavy guns that could not be transported to the mainland. The terrible work of destruction was also going on in the port: cars, locomotives, and carriages were dispersed and pushed into the water.

The last convoy left the Hanko roadstead on the evening of December 2. The peninsula is deserted. We left the “cold Finnish rocks” home - to Kronstadt and St. Petersburg, sandwiched by the blockade ring.

"Joseph Stalin" was the name of the turbo-electric ship that took on board the Gangut rearguard, more than 6 thousand soldiers, including our team - the editorial office and printing house of "Red Gangut" led by Boris Prorokov. The transport was filled to capacity, with the bulkheads creaking, filled with people and loaded with boxes and bags of food. Not only in the cabins, but also in the holds and corridors there is terrible cramped space. Yesterday's fighters, who had so unexpectedly turned into passengers, were buzzing and smoking shag everywhere.

At 21 o'clock the transport set off, took its place in the marching order, and soon the caravan of ships headed east. The log counted off the first of two hundred and thirty miles that separated us from Kronstadt.

Dudin and I spent a long time hanging out on the upper deck. The snow-covered shore of Gangut attracted the eye like a magnet. Here and there on the shore the wind shook crimson tongues of fire. Then the night swallowed Hanko. There was a pitch black darkness all around. No moon, no stars. The icy nor'easter hit my face with prickly snow pellets. The transport was moving heavily from side to side. Misha and I went down to the cabin.

Much has already been written about the tragedy that unfolded a few hours later on board the Joseph Stalin. In particular, in Dudin’s story “Where Ours Didn’t Disappear” and in my novel “It’s a Small World.”

Briefly: "Stalin" was blown up in a minefield. The first burst at two o'clock in the morning. The lights went out. It was unclear whether we were walking or standing. They gave an emergency light - dim, lifeless. It thundered a second time. Soon the third. The transport slowly tilted to the left side.

Time flowed away like sand from an hourglass. Everyone has scattered somewhere. Dudin and I stayed together all the time. There were many wounded in the holds. Misha and I carried them on a bloody stretcher to the wardroom, where the doctors set up an operating room.

The fourth explosion was especially strong and long-lasting. It resonated in my brain no longer with horror, but with dull fatigue. It was as if the ship's iron had groaned. I heard screams, moans, snatches of phrases burst into my shocked consciousness: “Stalin” lost speed... The ships of the convoy tried to take the transport in tow, but the last explosion broke the wound cable... They said that minesweepers were approaching the side and taking people off...

Dudin dragged me into our empty cabin, nodded at the rifles stacked in the corner, and said very clearly:

There are rifles, cartridges too... Come on... It’s better this way than feeding the fish.

The pockmarks on his face appeared black. I don't remember what I answered. I grabbed Misha by the hand and forcefully pulled him out of the cabin. It was as if his words spurred both of us on: we wedged ourselves into the crowd at the door leading to the spardek, and finally made our way out.

At the side of the "Stalin", although settled, but still high, a minesweeper danced on the storm waves. People jumped from the transport, people fell, and some ended up in the water, because the minesweeper was thrown back and then thrown back again, and it was not easy to calculate the jump. How long can you survive in the icy December water?

The minesweeper hit the side of the transport with a clang. Here is his narrow deck, crowded with people, just below us. Misha jumped, I saw how he was picked up by a minesweeper. Having climbed onto the bulwark, I also prepared to jump - but at the same moment the minesweeper was abruptly thrown back.

I also heard Misha shout:

Zhenya, jump! Jump-ay!

Standing on the bulwark and clutching the post with my hand, I hung over the raging water, as if over an abyss. I don’t remember how long I hung like that - a minute, an hour or an eternity. Some kind of memory loss...

Another minesweeper approached, people began to fall again, I jumped, and someone’s hands caught me.

Such jumps happen once in a lifetime.

The base minesweeper BTShch-217 was the last of the convoy ships to approach the Stalin. Dawn was beginning to break when the 217th rolled off and set off at full speed to catch up with the caravan that had gone ahead. There were still many, many people left on the slowly sinking transport. But, probably, nothing more could be done: the convoy ships, which had been circling around the transport all night, were filled to capacity with the rescued.

Damned mines of the Gulf of Finland... Their explosions on the night of December 2-3 changed the fate of many Gangut residents. More than 3 thousand fighters remained at “Stalin”. The ship, riddled with explosions, sank, but slowly: a system of watertight compartments kept it afloat. The drift carried the uncontrollable ship towards the southern coast.

They waited for December 3, they waited for the 4th - their ships would come, take them off the sinking transport, and not let them die. Did not come. On the morning of December 5, the Stalin ran aground near the Estonian coast. And then the ships came - German ones. All the Ganguts remaining on board the Stalin were captured.

Their fate was terrible. Those who survived - in the German camps, and then in their native "filtration camps" - never understood why they were not saved and abandoned to the mercy of an merciless fate.

Why didn’t the ships of the rescue team that were moored at the berths of Gogland, an island in the middle of the Gulf of Finland, come to the scene of the disaster? This question tormented me throughout the war and in the post-war years.

But this is a subject for another conversation.

We, the survivors, were incredibly lucky. On December 6, with the last caravan of ships that left the island of Gogland, we arrived in Kronstadt. On a cloudy day, our minesweeper moored in Srednyaya Harbor. We set foot on the snow-covered Kronstadt soil. The Gangut column reached the red corps of the Training Detachment.

A feeling indescribable in words possessed us - we had returned home from the ends of the earth!

City boys lined up at the side of the column.

Hello, guys! - someone barked.

In response we heard:

Guys, bread!.. Rusks...

The column became silent. We were ready to give everything to them, the hungry boys of Kronstadt. But we didn't even have a stale crust.

I peered at one of the teenagers, at his tight cheekbones, at his unchildish sad eyes under his pulled-down cap.

This is how the blockade looked at us for the first time.

Hanko (peninsula) Hanko (peninsula) 59°50′ N. w. /  23°05′ E. d. / 59.833; 23.083 59.833° N. w. 23.083° E. d.
(G) (I) 59°50′ N. w. /  23°05′ E. d. / 59.833; 23.083 59.833° N. w. 23.083° E. d.

Coordinates:

On September 19, 1944, in connection with the cessation of hostilities on the part of Finland on September 4 and on the part of the Soviet Union on September 5, 1944, an Armistice Agreement was signed in Moscow, according to which Finland undertook to withdraw its troops beyond the Soviet-Finnish border line defined by the Peace Treaty March 12, 1940. At the same time, the Soviet Union renounced its rights to lease the Hanko Peninsula, granted to it by the Peace Treaty of 1940, and Finland pledged to provide the Soviet Union with a lease for a period of 50 years of territory and water spaces for the creation of a Soviet naval base in the area of ​​the Porkkala-Udd Peninsula .

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Alpatych, having arrived in Bogucharovo some time before the death of the old prince, noticed that there was unrest among the people and that, contrary to what was happening in the Bald Mountains strip on a sixty-verst radius, where all the peasants left (letting the Cossacks ruin their villages), in the steppe strip , in Bogucharovskaya, the peasants, as was heard, had relations with the French, received some papers that passed between them, and remained in place. He knew through the servants loyal to him that the other day the peasant Karp, who had a great influence on the world, was traveling with a government cart, returned with the news that the Cossacks were destroying the villages from which the inhabitants were leaving, but that the French were not touching them. He knew that yesterday another man had even brought from the village of Visloukhova - where the French were stationed - a paper from the French general, in which the residents were told that no harm would be done to them and that they would pay for everything that was taken from them if they stayed. To prove this, the man brought from Visloukhov one hundred rubles in banknotes (he did not know that they were counterfeit), given to him in advance for the hay.
Finally, and most importantly, Alpatych knew that on the very day he ordered the headman to collect carts to take the princess’s train from Bogucharovo, there was a meeting in the village in the morning, at which it was supposed not to be taken out and to wait. Meanwhile, time was running out. The leader, on the day of the prince’s death, August 15, insisted to Princess Mary that she leave on the same day, as it was becoming dangerous. He said that after the 16th he is not responsible for anything. On the day of the prince’s death, he left in the evening, but promised to come to the funeral the next day. But the next day he could not come, since, according to the news he himself received, the French had unexpectedly moved, and he only managed to take his family and everything valuable from his estate.
For about thirty years Bogucharov was ruled by the elder Dron, whom the old prince called Dronushka.
Dron was one of those physically and morally strong men who, as soon as they get old, grow a beard, and so, without changing, live up to sixty or seventy years old, without a single gray hair or missing tooth, just as straight and strong at sixty years old , just like at thirty.

The beginning of the heroic defense ( June 26 – December 2, 1941.) Hanko naval base.

Defense of the Hanko naval base (GANGUT) entered the history of Soviet naval art as an example of heroic and skillful struggle in the skerry-island region. Together with it, no less heroic and no less skillful actions of the forces of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet to evacuate the garrison of this base entered into the history of naval art. With the beginning of the war, the Hanko naval base (base commander Major General S.I. Kabanov, military commissar Brigade Commissar A.L. Raskin) was tasked with defending the northern flank of the Central mine-artillery position and the base itself from land, sea and air (73). To repel amphibious and airborne assaults, the territory of the base was divided into two combat areas controlled by maneuverable groups of ground forces (74). The ground defense of the base consisted of a system of obstacles on the border of the leased zone, two equipped defensive lines and two lines of direct defense of the city of Hanko itself, one of which was facing the sea and was actually an anti-landing defense line. The size of the base territory excluded the possibility of achieving sufficient depth of the entire defensive system, but made it possible to create a significant defense density.

At the beginning of the war, the 8th Infantry Brigade was located on the peninsula, reinforced by an artillery regiment, an anti-aircraft artillery battalion, tank and engineer battalions, and a communications battalion. The coastal defense sector had several railway and stationary batteries with guns ranging in caliber from 305 to 45 mm. The base's air defense consisted of 12 76-mm batteries and an air squadron (11 I-156 and I-15 aircraft). To guard the water area of ​​the base there were 3 MO-4 patrol boats and several small boats. The total number of the base garrison was 25,300 people (75). In the Finnish war plan, coordinated with the Barbarossa plan, the capture of Hanko was considered a special task of the Finnish armed forces, for which the Hanko strike group was created, consisting of the 17th Finnish Infantry Division with reinforcement units and a strong artillery group with guns caliber up to 305 mm (total 103 guns) (76). Finnish aviation itself did not pose a serious threat, but the presence of a large number of airfields and landing sites in Finland created the possibility of widespread use of German aircraft against the base. It goes without saying that Finnish gunboats and cutters could operate from the depths of the skerries and on their edges. The Finns began operations against Hanko on June 29.

The next day they tried to break through the defenses on the isthmus (the land border of the base), but were driven back to their original position and suffered heavy losses. Subsequently, coordinating their actions with the offensive of the Nazi troops on Leningrad, the Finns repeatedly, but also unsuccessfully, tried in various ways to break through the Hanko defense front, and the Nazis tried to take possession of the island. Osmussar. The enemy hoped to weaken the defenses of the base before the beginning of winter in order to capture the peninsula with the onset of freeze-up. After the departure of the main forces of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet from Tallinn in the conditions of the approaching winter period, the Central Mine and Artillery Position lost its former operational significance.

The approaching freeze-up could make Hanko's land defense front circular. His base did not have sufficient forces and means to organize defense. All this taken together, as well as the inexpediency of defending the mouth of the Gulf of Finland in the current situation, predetermined the decision of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Headquarters to evacuate the Hanko garrison (77). The defense of the Hanko naval base is characterized by certain features. The rapid liquidation of the Hanko naval base was provided for by the enemy's strategic deployment plan, since, by preventing end-to-end communications in the Gulf of Finland, it forced the already insignificant Finnish naval forces to be split into two parts. In addition, the base attracted a significant number of ground units. From the moment of its organization, throughout the existence of the base, the enemy threatened it from the north, northeast and northwest. This was precisely the reason for the advance equipment of the ground defense front of Hanko, which was not done at any of the other forward bases. The relatively flat, sometimes wooded terrain allowed the enemy to continuously view the base territory to a considerable depth using optical surveillance from observation towers and posts. The geographical and navigational-hydrographic features of the Hanko naval base area also determined the forms of its defense characteristic of the skerry-island position. Increasing the depth of defense of the skerry flanks of this position was achieved by capturing a group of islands east and northwest of Hanko (19 islands in total). To the extent possible, the maneuver of enemy ships in the skerry fairways was constrained by laying minefields. All this prevented the Finns from using the undoubted advantages due to the nature of the skerry area. Having wasted time on unsuccessful attempts to storm the most stable land position of the base, they missed other opportunities and allowed the Soviet sailors to seize the initiative on the most vulnerable skerry flanks of the defense. The explosion of the Finnish coastal defense battleship Ilmarinen at a Soviet minefield forced the enemy to beware of fire on the coastal batteries of the base from the side of the skerries.

The defense of Hanko was favored by the preservation of an airfield on the peninsula. Even the relatively small number of fighter and reconnaissance aircraft available to the command of the naval base greatly contributed to the success of coastal artillery fire, landings on the islands and repelling enemy aircraft. An exceptional role belonged to coastal artillery, which, in essence, was the basis of the defense of the naval base. The surface forces based at Hanko performed missions related to day-to-day combat activities within the base's boundaries. All these circumstances and the high morale of the defenders of Hanko favored the active actions of the defense forces. They managed to wrest the initiative from the enemy's hands and held it for a long time. After unsuccessful offensive attempts, the command of the Finnish strike group Hanko became convinced that with the forces at its disposal it would not be able to capture the Soviet naval base. The situation developing near Leningrad and in the North did not allow him to count on reinforcements. The struggle for Hanko took on a positional character for the Finns, who during the pre-war twenty years were preparing for active operations in the skerry areas. Taking control of Hanko turned out to be not as simple a task as the Finnish command had expected. Paying tribute to the successful active actions of the Hanko garrison, one cannot help but mention the unsuccessful landing on the island. Bengsher, which led to the death of the landing force, the destruction of the lighthouse, which served as a convenient reference point for Soviet ships, and had negative consequences for the defense of the base. Apparently, the successful landings of previous landings caused an underestimation of the enemy's forces and capabilities. The islands closest to Bengscher were beyond the influence of the forces of the Hanko naval base, while the enemy used them to block and destroy the landing force. Some underestimation of the importance of destroyer aircraft for laying active minefields in skerry areas, which existed in our country in the 30s, on the one hand, and the forced use of Red Baltic Fleet aviation on land routes, on the other, prevented the realization of the potential opportunities to reliably litter skerry fairways and nodes with mines . Such contamination (mainly against small ships) could extremely reduce the activity of the Finnish naval forces in the Gulf of Finland and stop their mine activity. In general, the actions of the diverse forces defending Hanko testify to the high level of combat training, courage, dedication and resilience of the personnel of the naval base, who, in an extremely difficult situation, showed their boundless devotion to the socialist Motherland and the Communist Party. For almost six months, the forces of this forward base waged a stubborn struggle on the distant approaches to Leningrad from the sea, greatly contributing to the stability of its defense.

The heroic actions of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet during the evacuation of the Hanko garrison are inextricably linked with the defense of this base. The plan for the evacuation of the garrison and some assets of the Hanko naval base was based on the sequential removal of personnel and valuable cargo. The secrecy of the withdrawal of troops and the delivery of their equipment to the embarkation points on ships was ensured by a number of camouflage measures, including active camouflage measures (alternating “hours of silence” with counter-battery fire when the enemy attempted active actions). The implementation of the evacuation plan was facilitated by the situation on the ground front of the base's defense, which had been created since the second half of October, when the enemy was forced to transfer part of its ground forces to reinforce the troops on the Karelian Isthmus. The situation at sea was less favorable, where the enemy, using its capabilities, carried out mine laying with impunity in the middle part of the Gulf of Finland (in the western part of the Gogland Reach and in the Juminda area), building up the previous ones and setting up new barriers from small surface minelayers and boats. The wide opportunities that the enemy had in the Gulf of Finland at that time allow us to assert that the mine danger in this area, taking into account its navigation and hydrographic features, was the greatest during the entire Great Patriotic War and the Second World War. However, it was not only the mine danger that determined the exceptional complexity of the situation at sea. When organizing the evacuation of the Hanko garrison, the Military Council of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet had to seriously take into account the enemy’s coastal artillery, which had the ability to fire at ships on several sections of possible routes during the transition from Hanko to the island. Gogland. German aviation posed an equally serious threat to Soviet ships and transports. At night, the danger of counteraction from coastal artillery and aviation decreased, but the mine threat increased due to the difficulties of night trawling.

The natural, navigational and hydrographic features of the crossing area, the ensuing period of stormy weather and the appearance of ice in the bay also complicated the situation at sea. All these unfavorable factors, as well as the extremely limited number of transports and the complete absence of any modern landing vehicles or at least high-speed small-tonnage transports, made the evacuation extremely difficult. However, this task was solved, and the difficulties that had to be overcome in carrying out it make the operation of evacuation of the Hanko naval base one of the remarkable military events at sea, deserving a special place in the history of Soviet naval art. One of the characteristic features of this operation was that military transport by sea was carried out mainly on warships. The regularity of this form of troop transportation in difficult conditions, envisaged by Soviet naval theorists in the pre-war years, was confirmed. At the same time, the experience of evacuating the Hanko garrison showed the need to have special landing transport ships in the Red Banner Baltic Fleet, built for operations in cramped and shallow areas. Another feature of this operation was the forced repetition of convoy crossings, which was impossible to hide. This circumstance entailed a number of consequences, and first of all, a further increase in the mine danger, since the enemy laid additional mine banks on the convoy routes he had identified. Meanwhile, some convoys, especially the first ones, although the time intervals between them were about ten days, moved along almost identical routes. The third feature of the operation to evacuate the Hanko garrison, which had no precedent in the history of naval art, was the passage of the last convoys in ice conditions under the guidance of the icebreaker Ermak. In practice, this further increased the mine danger, since the ice situation excluded mine protection and made it difficult to maneuver to evade air attacks, as well as anti-artillery zigzag.