Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen (German: Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen; 1815 (1898) - German statesman, prince, first Chancellor of the German Empire (Second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor".

Otto Von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small nobles in Schönhausen, in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers of Brandenburg in peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves to be anything special. Simply put, the Bismarcks were junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.

From 1822 to 1827, Otto attended the Plaman School, which emphasized physical development. But young Otto was not happy with this, which he often wrote to his parents about. At the age of twelve, Otto left Plamann's school, but did not leave Berlin, continuing his studies at the Frederick the Great Gymnasium on Friedrichstrasse, and when he was fifteen years old, he moved to the Gray Monastery Gymnasium. Otto showed himself to be an average, not outstanding student. But he studied French and German well, being fond of reading foreign literature. The young man’s main interests lay in the field of politics of past years, the history of military and peaceful rivalry between different countries. At that time, the young man, unlike his mother, was far from religion.

After graduating from high school, Otto’s mother sent him to the Georg August University in Göttingen, which was located in the kingdom of Hanover. It was assumed that there young Bismarck would study law and, in the future, enter the diplomatic service. However, Bismarck was not in the mood for serious study and preferred to have fun with friends, of whom there were many in Gottingen. Otto often took part in duels, in one of which he was wounded for the first and only time in his life - the wound left him with a scar on his cheek. In general, Otto von Bismarck at that time was not much different from the “golden” German youth.

Bismarck did not complete his education in Göttingen - living on a grand scale turned out to be burdensome for his pocket, and, under threat of arrest by the university authorities, he left the city. For a whole year he was enrolled at the New Metropolitan University of Berlin, where he defended his dissertation on philosophy and political economy. This was the end of his university education. Naturally, Bismarck immediately decided to start a career in the diplomatic field, for which his mother had high hopes. But the then Prussian Foreign Minister refused the young Bismarck, advising him to “look for a position in some administrative institution within Germany, and not in the sphere of European diplomacy.” It is possible that this decision of the minister was influenced by rumors about Otto’s stormy student life and his passion for sorting things out through a duel.

As a result, Bismarck went to work in Aachen, which had recently become part of Prussia. The influence of France was still felt in this resort town and Bismarck was mainly concerned with the problems associated with the annexation of this border territory into the customs union, which was dominated by Prussia. But the work, according to Bismarck himself, “was not burdensome” and he had plenty of time to read and enjoy life. During the same period, he had many love affairs with visitors to the resort. Once he even almost married the daughter of an English parish priest, Isabella Lorraine-Smith.

Having fallen out of favor in Aachen, Bismarck was forced to enlist in military service - in the spring of 1838 he enlisted in the guards battalion of rangers. However, his mother's illness shortened his service life: many years of caring for children and the estate undermined her health. The death of his mother put an end to Bismarck's wanderings in search of business - it became completely clear that he would have to manage his Pomeranian estates.

Having settled in Pomerania, Otto von Bismarck began to think about ways to increase the profitability of his estates and soon won the respect of his neighbors with both theoretical knowledge and practical success. Life on the estate greatly disciplined Bismarck, especially when compared with his student years. He showed himself to be a shrewd and practical landowner. But still, his student habits made themselves felt, and soon the surrounding cadets nicknamed him “mad.”

Bismarck became very close to his younger sister Malvina, who finished her studies in Berlin. A spiritual closeness arose between brother and sister, caused by similarities in tastes and sympathies. Otto introduced Malvina to his friend Arnim, and a year later they got married.

Bismarck never again ceased to consider himself a believer in God and a follower of Martin Luther. He began every morning by reading passages from the Bible. Otto decided to become engaged to Maria Johanna von Puttkamer's friend, which he achieved without any problems.

Around this time, Bismarck had his first opportunity to enter politics as a member of the newly formed United Landtag of the Kingdom of Prussia. He decided not to waste this chance and on May 11, 1847, took his parliamentary seat, temporarily postponing his own wedding. This was a time of intense confrontation between liberals and conservative pro-royal forces: liberals demanded a Constitution and greater civil liberties from Frederick William IV, but the king was in no hurry to grant them; he needed money to build a railway from Berlin to East Prussia. It was for this purpose that he convened the United Landtag, consisting of eight provincial landstags, in April 1847.

After his first speech in the Diet, Bismarck became notorious. In his speech, he tried to refute the liberal deputy’s assertion about the constitutional nature of the war of liberation of 1813. As a result, thanks to the press, the “mad” cadet from Kniphof turned into a “mad” deputy of the Berlin Landtag. A month later, Otto earned himself the nickname “Persecutor Finke” because of his constant attacks on the idol and mouthpiece of the liberals, Georg von Finke. Revolutionary sentiments were gradually maturing in the country; especially among the urban lower classes, dissatisfied with rising food prices. Under these conditions, Otto von Bismarck and Johanna von Puttkamer finally got married.

The year 1848 brought a whole wave of revolutions - in France, Italy, Austria. In Prussia, the revolution also broke out under pressure from patriotic liberals who demanded the unification of Germany and the creation of a Constitution. The king was forced to accept the demands. Bismarck was at first afraid of the revolution and was even going to help lead the army to Berlin, but soon his ardor cooled down, and only despondency and disappointment in the monarch, who made concessions, remained.

Due to his reputation as an incorrigible conservative, Bismarck had no chance of entering the new Prussian National Assembly, elected by universal suffrage of the male part of the population. Otto feared for the traditional rights of the Junkers, but soon calmed down and admitted that the revolution was less radical than it seemed. He had no choice but to return to his estates and write to the new conservative newspaper Kreuzzeitung. At this time, there was a gradual strengthening of the so-called “camarilla” - a bloc of conservative politicians, which included Otto von Bismarck.

The logical result of the strengthening of the camarilla was the counter-revolutionary coup of 1848, when the king interrupted the parliament session and sent troops into Berlin. Despite all of Bismarck’s merits in preparing this coup, the king refused him a ministerial post, branding him an “inveterate reactionary.” The king was in no mood to give the reactionaries a free hand: soon after the coup, he published a Constitution that combined the principle of monarchy with the creation of a bicameral parliament. The monarch also reserved the right of absolute veto and the right to rule through emergency decrees. This Constitution did not live up to the aspirations of the liberals, but Bismarck still seemed too progressive.

But he was forced to come to terms with it and decided to try to advance to the lower house of parliament. With great difficulty, Bismarck managed to pass both rounds of elections. He took his seat as a deputy on February 26, 1849. However, Bismarck's negative attitude towards the German unification and the Frankfurt Parliament greatly damaged his reputation. After the dissolution of parliament by the king, Bismarck practically lost his chances of being re-elected. But this time he was lucky, because the king changed the electoral system, which saved Bismarck from the need to conduct an election campaign. On August 7, Otto von Bismarck again took his parliamentary seat.

A little time passed, and a serious conflict arose between Austria and Prussia, which could escalate into a full-scale war. Both states considered themselves leaders of the German world and tried to draw small German principalities into their orbit of influence. This time Erfurt became the stumbling block, and Prussia had to give in, concluding the “Olmütz Agreement”. Bismarck actively supported this agreement, as he believed that Prussia could not win this war. After some hesitation, the king appointed Bismarck as Prussia's representative to the Frankfurt Diet. Bismarck did not yet have the diplomatic qualities necessary for this post, but he had a natural mind and political insight. Soon Bismarck met the most famous political figure in Austria, Clement Metternich.

During the Crimean War, Bismarck resisted Austrian attempts to mobilize German armies for war with Russia. He became an ardent supporter of the German Confederation and an opponent of Austrian dominance. As a result, Bismarck became the main supporter of an alliance with Russia and France (who had recently been at war with each other), directed against Austria. First of all, it was necessary to establish contact with France, for which Bismarck left for Paris on April 4, 1857, where he met with Emperor Napoleon III, who did not make much of an impression on him. But due to the king’s illness and a sharp turn in Prussian foreign policy, Bismarck’s plans were not destined to come true, and he was sent as ambassador to Russia. In January 1861, King Frederick William IV died and was replaced by the former regent William I, after which Bismarck was transferred as ambassador to Paris.

But he did not stay in Paris for long. In Berlin at this time another crisis broke out between the king and parliament. And in order to resolve it, despite the resistance of the Empress and the Crown Prince, Wilhelm I appointed Bismarck as head of government, transferring to him the posts of Minister-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. The long era of Bismarck as Chancellor began. Otto formed his cabinet of conservative ministers, among whom there were practically no prominent personalities, except for Roon, who headed the military department. After the cabinet was approved, Bismarck gave a speech in the lower house of the Landtag, where he uttered the famous phrase about “blood and iron.” Bismarck was confident that the time had come for Prussia and Austria to compete for German lands.

In 1863, conflict broke out between Prussia and Denmark over the status of Schleswig and Holstein, which were the southern part of Denmark but were dominated by ethnic Germans. The conflict had been smoldering for a long time, but in 1863 it escalated with renewed vigor under pressure from nationalists on both sides. As a result, at the beginning of 1864, Prussian troops occupied Schleswig-Holstein and soon these duchies were divided between Prussia and Austria. However, this was not the end of the conflict; the crisis in relations between Austria and Prussia was constantly smoldering, but did not fade away.

In 1866, it became clear that war could not be avoided and both sides began to mobilize their military forces. Prussia was in a close alliance with Italy, which put pressure on Austria from the southwest and sought to occupy Venice. The Prussian armies quickly occupied most of the northern German lands and were ready for the main campaign against Austria. The Austrians suffered one defeat after another and were forced to accept a peace treaty imposed by Prussia. Hesse, Nassau, Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein and Frankfurt went to it.

The war with Austria greatly exhausted the chancellor and undermined his health. Bismarck took a vacation. But he didn't have to rest for long. From the beginning of 1867, Bismarck worked hard to create a Constitution for the North German Confederation. After some concessions to the Landtag, the Constitution was adopted and the North German Confederation was born. Two weeks later Bismarck became chancellor. This strengthening of Prussia greatly excited the rulers of France and Russia. And, if relations with Alexander II remained quite warm, the French were very negatively disposed towards the Germans. Passions were fueled by the Spanish succession crisis. One of the contenders for the Spanish throne was Leopold, who belonged to the Brandenburg Hohenzollern dynasty, and France could not allow him to the important Spanish throne. Patriotic sentiments began to rule in both countries. The war was not long in coming.

The war was devastating for the French, especially the crushing defeat at Sedan, which they remember to this day. Very soon the French were ready to capitulate. Bismarck demanded from France the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, which was completely unacceptable both to Emperor Napoleon III and to the Republicans who founded the Third Republic. The Germans managed to take Paris, and French resistance gradually faded away. German troops marched triumphantly through the streets of Paris. During the Franco-Prussian War, patriotic sentiments intensified in all German states, which allowed Bismarck to further unite the North German Confederation by announcing the creation of the Second Reich, and Wilhelm I accepted the title of Emperor (Kaiser) of Germany. Bismarck himself, on the wave of universal popularity, received the title of prince and the new estate of Friedrichsruhe.

In the Reichstag, meanwhile, a powerful opposition coalition was being formed, the core of which was the newly created centrist Catholic party, united with parties representing national minorities. In order to counter the clericalism of the Catholic Center, Bismarck moved towards rapprochement with the National Liberals, who had the largest share in the Reichstag. The “Kulturkampf” began - Bismarck’s struggle with the Catholic Church and Catholic parties. This struggle had a negative impact on German unity, but it became a matter of principle for Bismarck.

In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German Ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the Chancellor from the conservative Junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents. The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windhorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

In 1879, Franco-German relations deteriorated and Russia, in the form of an ultimatum, demanded that Germany not start a new war. This indicated a loss of mutual understanding with Russia. Bismarck found himself in a very difficult international situation that threatened isolation. He even submitted his resignation, but the Kaiser refused to accept it and sent the Chancellor on an indefinite leave that lasted five months.

In addition to the external danger, the internal danger became increasingly stronger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions. To combat it, Bismarck tried to pass new repressive legislation, but it was rejected by centrists and liberal progressives. Bismarck spoke more and more often about the “Red Menace,” especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor. At this difficult time for Germany, the Berlin Congress of Leading Powers opened in Berlin to consider the results of the Russian-Turkish War. The Congress turned out to be surprisingly effective, although Bismarck had to constantly maneuver between representatives of all the great powers.

Immediately after the end of the congress, elections to the Reichstag were held in Germany (1879), in which conservatives and centrists received a confident majority at the expense of liberals and socialists. This allowed Bismarck to pass through the Reichstag a bill directed against the socialists. Another outcome of the new balance of power in the Reichstag was the opportunity to carry out protectionist economic reforms in order to overcome the economic crisis that began in 1873. With these reforms, the Chancellor managed to greatly disorient the national liberals and win over the centrists, which was simply unimaginable a few years earlier. It became clear that the Kulturkampf period had been overcome.

Fearing a rapprochement between France and Russia, Bismarck renewed the Alliance of the Three Emperors in 1881, but relations between Germany and Russia continued to remain strained, which was aggravated by increased contacts between St. Petersburg and Paris. Fearing that Russia and France would act against Germany, as a counterweight to the Franco-Russian alliance, an agreement was signed in 1882 to create the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria and Italy).

The elections of 1881 were actually a defeat for Bismarck: Bismarck's conservative parties and liberals lost to the Center Party, progressive liberals and socialists. The situation became even more serious when opposition parties united to cut the cost of maintaining the army. Once again there was a danger that Bismarck would not remain in the chancellor's chair. Constant work and worry undermined Bismarck's health - he became too fat and suffered from insomnia. Doctor Schwenniger helped him regain his health, who put the chancellor on a diet and forbade him to drink strong wine. The result was not long in coming - very soon the chancellor regained his former efficiency, and he took up his affairs with renewed vigor.

This time colonial policy came into his field of vision. For the previous twelve years, Bismarck had argued that colonies were an unaffordable luxury for Germany. But during 1884 Germany acquired vast territories in Africa. German colonialism brought Germany closer to its eternal rival France, but created tension in relations with England. Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

In March 1887, Bismarck managed to form a stable conservative majority in the Reichstag, which received the nickname "Cartel". In the wake of chauvinistic hysteria and the threat of war with France, voters decided to rally around the chancellor. This gave him the opportunity to pass a seven-year service law through the Reichstag. At the beginning of 1888, Emperor Wilhelm I died, which did not bode well for the chancellor.

The new emperor was Frederick III, who was terminally ill with throat cancer, and who by that time was in a terrible physical and mental state. He also died a few months later. The throne of the empire was taken by the young Wilhelm II, who had a rather cool attitude towards the chancellor. The emperor began to actively intervene in politics, relegating the elderly Bismarck to the background. Particularly controversial was the anti-socialist bill, in which social reforms went hand in hand with political repression (which was very much in the spirit of the chancellor). This conflict led to Bismarck's resignation on March 20, 1890.

Otto von Bismarck spent the rest of his life on his estate Friedrichsruhe near Hamburg, rarely leaving it. His wife Johanna died in 1884. In the last years of his life, Bismarck was pessimistic about the prospects for European politics. Emperor Wilhelm II visited him several times. In 1898, the ex-chancellor's health deteriorated sharply, and on July 30 he died in Friedrichsruhe.

The message “Otto von Bismarck”, briefly summarized in this article, will tell you about the German statesman, the first Chancellor of the German Empire.

"Otto von Bismarck" report

Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen was born into the family of a landowner on April 1, 1815 in Prussia. At the age of 6, his mother sent the boy to the Berlin Plaman School, where children from aristocratic families studied.

At the age of 17 he entered the University of Gettingham. Due to his character and love of argument, the young man participated in duels 25 times. Constantly winning, Bismarck gained respect and authority from his fellow students. During his student years, he did not even think about political activity. At first, the future chancellor worked as an official in the Berlin Court of Appeal, but he quickly got tired of the endless writing of protocols, and he transferred to an administrative position.

Having fallen in love with Isabella Lorraine-Smith, the daughter of a parish priest, Bismarck becomes engaged to her and stops going to work, returning to the family estate. There he leads a wild, cheerful life, for which the local population nicknamed him “wild Bismarck.”

The revolutionary wave of 1848–1849 in Germany marked the beginning of his dizzying career as a politician. Already in 1847, as a reserve deputy of the United Landtag, he made his first public appearance. He developed a forceful method of resolving political issues. Bismarck was confident that Germany, divided by Austria and Prussia, could only be united with “iron and blood.” Also in politics he adhered to conservative policies, being in opposition to the liberals. Thanks to his assistance, political organizations and newspapers were created, the most influential of which was the New Prussian Newspaper. Otto von Bismarck as a politician was one of the founders of the Conservative Party.

In 1849 and 1850 he was appointed deputy of the lower house of Prussia and Erfurt, respectively. For eight years (1851 - 1859) he was the representative of Prussia in the Diet in Frankfurt am Main.

In the period 1857 - 1861 he was appointed Prussian ambassador to Russia. While in a foreign country, he learned Russian. It was also here that the 47-year-old politician met 22-year-old Princess Katerina Orlova-Trubetskaya, with whom he began an affair. And he wasn’t even too lazy to tell his wife about it in letters.

He went home in 1862 and was then elected prime minister. From that moment on, the politician decided to firmly move towards his goal - the unification of Germany. In 1864, Bismarck, with the support of Austria, leads the war against Denmark. He managed to capture Holstein and Silesia. After Otto, von Bismarck made a knight's move, opposing Austria in the Seven Weeks War and winning a great victory in 1866. Austria was forced to recognize Prussia's right to create the North German Union with 21 states in its composition. The final unification of Germany was completed in 1871, when the Prussian army defeated the French forces. King Wilhelm I was proclaimed German Emperor on January 18, 1871, and Bismarck was proclaimed Chancellor. They began to call him “Iron Chancellor Otto von Bismarck.”

For 19 years, the leader ruled the country with iron and blood. During this time, he annexed a large number of overseas territories to Germany. Thanks to his powerful and strong-willed character, the politician managed to achieve the rise of Germany. That's why Otto von Bismarck was called the Iron Chancellor.

After the death of Wilhelm I, the post of emperor was taken by Wilhelm II, who, fearing Bismarck's popularity, issued a decree on his resignation. What did Otto von Bismarck do? He himself submitted his resignation on March 20, 1890. The former chancellor began writing Thoughts and Memories. In 1894 his wife died and Bismarck's health began to deteriorate. He died on July 30, 1898.

• The chancellor began every morning with prayer and physical exercise.
• While in Russia, he loved to hunt bears in the forests. One day, during another hunt, Bismarck got lost in the forest and suffered severe frostbite on his feet. Doctors predicted amputation for him, but, fortunately, everything worked out.
• As a keepsake of his affair with Ekaterina Orlova-Trubetskoy, he kept an olive branch in a box all his life.
• Wore a ring engraved with the word “nothing.”
• Otto von Bismarck was a descendant of the Rurikovichs. His distant relative was Anna Yaroslavovna.

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Otto Eduard Leopold Karl-Wilhelm-Ferdinand Duke von Lauenburg Prince von Bismarck und Schönhausen(German) Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen ; April 1, 1815 - July 30, 1898) - prince, politician, statesman, first Chancellor of the German Empire (Second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor". He had the honorary rank (peacetime) of Prussian Colonel General with the rank of Field Marshal (March 20, 1890).

While serving as Reich Chancellor and Prussian Minister-Chairman, he had significant influence on the policies of the created Reich until his resignation in the city. In foreign policy, Bismarck adhered to the principle of the balance of power (or European balance, see Bismarck's alliance system)

In domestic politics, the time of his reign from the city can be divided into two phases. At first he made an alliance with moderate liberals. Numerous domestic reforms took place during this period, such as the introduction of civil marriage, which was used by Bismarck to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church (see Kulturkampf). Beginning in the late 1870s, Bismarck separated from the liberals. During this phase, he resorts to policies of protectionism and government intervention in the economy. In the 1880s, an anti-socialist law was introduced. Disagreements with the then Kaiser Wilhelm II led to Bismarck's resignation.

In subsequent years, Bismarck played a prominent political role, criticizing his successors. Thanks to the popularity of his memoirs, Bismarck managed to influence the formation of his own image in the public consciousness for a long time.

By the middle of the 20th century, German historical literature was dominated by an unconditionally positive assessment of the role of Bismarck as a politician responsible for uniting the German principalities into a single national state, which partially satisfied national interests. After his death, numerous monuments were erected in his honor as a symbol of strong personal power. He created a new nation and implemented progressive social welfare systems. Bismarck, being loyal to the king, strengthened the state with a strong, well-trained bureaucracy. After World War II, critical voices began to sound louder, accusing Bismarck, in particular, of curtailing democracy in Germany. More attention was paid to the shortcomings of his policies, and the activities were considered in the current context.

Biography

Origin

Otto von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small landed nobles in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers in peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves to be anything special. Simply put, the Bismarcks were junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe River. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.

Youth

With iron and blood

The regent under the incompetent King Frederick William IV, Prince Wilhelm, closely associated with the army, was extremely dissatisfied with the existence of the Landwehr - a territorial army that played a decisive role in the fight against Napoleon and maintained liberal sentiments. Moreover, the Landwehr, relatively independent of the government, proved ineffective in suppressing the 1848 revolution. Therefore, he supported the Prussian Minister of War Roon in developing a military reform that envisaged the creation of a regular army with service life in the infantry increased to 3 years and four years in the cavalry. Military spending was supposed to increase by 25%. This met with resistance, and the king dissolved the liberal government, replacing it with a reactionary administration. But the budget was again not approved.

At this time, European trade was actively developing, in which Prussia played an important role with its rapidly developing industry, an obstacle to which was Austria, which practiced a protectionist position. To inflict moral damage on her, Prussia recognized the legitimacy of the Italian king Victor Emmanuel, who came to power in the wake of the revolution against the Habsburgs.

Annexation of Schleswig and Holstein

Bismarck is a triumphant man.

Creation of the North German Confederation

The fight against the Catholic opposition

Bismarck and Lasker in Parliament

The unification of Germany led to the fact that communities that were once in violent conflict with each other found themselves in one state. One of the most important problems facing the newly created empire was the question of interaction between the state and the Catholic Church. On this basis it began Kulturkampf- Bismarck's struggle for the cultural unification of Germany.

Bismarck and Windthorst

Bismarck met the liberals halfway in order to ensure their support for his course, agreed with the proposed changes in civil and criminal legislation and ensuring freedom of speech, which did not always correspond to his wishes. However, all this led to the strengthening of the influence of centrists and conservatives, who began to view the attack against the church as a manifestation of godless liberalism. As a result, Bismarck himself began to view his campaign as a serious mistake.

The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windthorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

Strengthening peace in Europe

Introductory quote to the exhibition of the Bavarian War Museum. Ingolstadt

We do not need war, we belong to what the old Prince Metternich had in mind, namely, to a state completely satisfied with its position, which can defend itself if necessary. And, besides, even if this becomes necessary, do not forget about our peaceful initiatives. And I declare this not only in the Reichstag, but especially to the whole world, that this has been the policy of Kaiser Germany for the past sixteen years.

Soon after the creation of the Second Reich, Bismarck became convinced that Germany did not have the ability to dominate Europe. He failed to realize the hundreds of years old idea of ​​uniting all Germans in a single state. This was prevented by Austria, which was striving for the same thing, but only under the condition of the leading role in this state of the Habsburg dynasty.

Fearing French revenge in the future, Bismarck sought rapprochement with Russia. On March 13, 1871, he, together with representatives of Russia and other countries, signed the London Convention, which lifted the ban on Russia to have a navy in the Black Sea. In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov (with whom Bismarck had a personal relationship, like a talented student with his teacher), organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German Ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the Chancellor from the conservative Junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents.

Bismarck, taking into account Germany's central position in Europe and the associated real danger of being involved in a war on two fronts, created a formula that he followed throughout his reign: “A strong Germany strives to live in peace and develop peacefully.” To this end, she must have a strong army so as not to be attacked by anyone who draws the sword from its scabbard.

Throughout his service, Bismarck experienced the “nightmare of coalitions” (le cauchemar des coalitions), and, figuratively speaking, tried unsuccessfully to juggle five balls in the air.

Now Bismarck could hope that England would concentrate on the problem of Egypt, which arose after France bought up shares in the Suez Canal, and Russia became involved in solving the Black Sea problems, and therefore the danger of creating an anti-German coalition was significantly reduced. Moreover, the rivalry between Austria and Russia in the Balkans meant that Russia needed German support. Thus, a situation was created in which all significant forces in Europe, with the exception of France, would not be able to create dangerous coalitions, being involved in mutual rivalry.

At the same time, this created a need for Russia to avoid aggravation of the international situation and it was forced to lose some of the benefits of its victory at the London negotiations, which were expressed at the congress that opened on June 13 in Berlin. The Berlin Congress was created to consider the results of the Russian-Turkish war, which was chaired by Bismarck. The Congress turned out to be surprisingly effective, although Bismarck had to constantly maneuver between representatives of all the great powers. On July 13, 1878, Bismarck signed the Treaty of Berlin with representatives of the great powers, which established new borders in Europe. Then many of the territories transferred to Russia were returned to Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina were transferred to Austria, and the Turkish Sultan, filled with gratitude, gave Cyprus to Britain.

After this, a sharp pan-Slavist campaign against Germany began in the Russian press. The coalition nightmare arose again. On the verge of panic, Bismarck invited Austria to conclude a customs agreement, and when she refused, even a mutual non-aggression treaty. Emperor Wilhelm I was frightened by the end of the previous pro-Russian orientation of German foreign policy and warned Bismarck that things were moving toward an alliance between Tsarist Russia and France, which had become a republic again. At the same time, he pointed out the unreliability of Austria as an ally, which could not deal with its internal problems, as well as the uncertainty of Britain’s position.

Bismarck tried to justify his line by pointing out that his initiatives were taken in the interests of Russia. On October 7, he concluded a “Dual Alliance” with Austria, which pushed Russia into an alliance with France. This was Bismarck's fatal mistake, destroying the close relations between Russia and Germany that had been established since the German War of Liberation. A tough tariff struggle began between Russia and Germany. From that time on, the General Staffs of both countries began to develop plans for a preventive war against each other.

According to this treaty, Austria and Germany were supposed to jointly repel the Russian attack. If Germany were attacked by France, Austria pledged to remain neutral. It quickly became clear to Bismarck that this defensive alliance would immediately turn into offensive action, especially if Austria was on the verge of defeat.

However, Bismarck still managed to confirm an agreement with Russia on June 18, according to which the latter pledged to maintain neutrality in the event of a Franco-German war. But nothing was said about the relationship in the event of an Austro-Russian conflict. However, Bismarck demonstrated an understanding of Russia's claims to the Bosporus and Dardanelles in the hope that this would lead to conflict with Britain. Bismarck's supporters viewed this move as further proof of Bismarck's diplomatic genius. However, the future showed that this was only a temporary measure in an attempt to avoid an impending international crisis.

Bismarck proceeded from his belief that stability in Europe could be achieved only if England joined the “Mutual Treaty”. In 1889, he approached Lord Salisbury with a proposal to conclude a military alliance, but the lord categorically refused. Although Britain was interested in resolving the colonial problem with Germany, it did not want to bind itself to any obligations in central Europe, where the potentially hostile states of France and Russia were located. Bismarck’s hopes that the contradictions between England and Russia would contribute to its rapprochement with the countries of the “Mutual Treaty” were not confirmed.

Danger on the Left

“As long as it’s stormy, I’m at the helm”

To the 60th anniversary of the Chancellor

In addition to the external danger, the internal danger became increasingly stronger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions. To combat it, Bismarck tried to pass new repressive legislation. Bismarck spoke more and more often about the “Red Menace,” especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor.

Colonial policy

At certain points he showed commitment to the colonial issue, but this was a political move, for example during the election campaign of 1884, when he was accused of lack of patriotism. In addition, this was done in order to reduce the chances of the heir prince Frederick with his leftist views and far-reaching pro-English orientation. In addition, he understood that the key problem for the country's security was normal relations with England. In 1890, he exchanged Zanzibar from England for the island of Heligoland, which much later became an outpost of the German fleet in the world's oceans.

Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

Resignation

Bismarck tried not only to influence the formation of his image in the eyes of his descendants, but also continued to interfere in contemporary politics, in particular, he undertook active campaigns in the press. Bismarck was most often attacked by his successor, Caprivi. Indirectly, he criticized the emperor, whom he could not forgive for his resignation. In the summer, Mr. Bismarck took part in the elections to the Reichstag, however, he never took part in the work of his 19th constituency in Hanover, never used his mandate, and in 1893. resigned

The press campaign was successful. Public opinion swung in favor of Bismarck, especially after Wilhelm II began to openly attack him. The authority of the new Reich Chancellor Caprivi suffered especially badly when he tried to prevent Bismarck from meeting with the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph. The journey to Vienna turned into a triumph for Bismarck, who declared that he had no responsibilities to the German authorities: “all bridges were burned”

Wilhelm II was forced to accept reconciliation. Several meetings with Bismarck in the city went well, but did not lead to real detente in relations. Just how unpopular Bismarck was in the Reichstag was shown by the fierce battles over the approval of congratulations on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Due to the publication in 1896. The top-secret reinsurance agreement attracted the attention of the German and foreign press.

Memory

Historiography

In the more than 150 years since Bismarck's birth, many different interpretations of his personal and political activities have arisen, some of them mutually contradictory. Until the end of World War II, German-language literature was dominated by writers whose point of view was influenced by their own political and religious worldview. Historian Karina Urbach noted in the city: “His biography was taught to at least six generations, and it is safe to say that each subsequent generation studied a different Bismarck. No other German politician has been used and distorted as much as he."

Empire times

Controversies surrounding the figure of Bismarck existed even during his lifetime. Already in the first biographical publications, sometimes multi-volume, the complexity and ambiguity of Bismarck was emphasized. Sociologist Max Weber critically assessed Bismarck's role in the process of German unification: “The work of his life was not only the external, but also the internal unity of the nation, but each of us knows: this was not achieved. This cannot be achieved using his methods." Theodor Fontane, in the last years of his life, painted a literary portrait in which he compared Bismarck with Wallenstein. The assessment of Bismarck from Fontane's point of view differs significantly from the assessment of most contemporaries: “he is a great genius, but a small man.”

A negative assessment of Bismarck's role did not find support for a long time, partly thanks to his memoirs. They became an almost inexhaustible source of quotes for his fans. For decades, the book formed the basis of the image of Bismarck among patriotic citizens. At the same time, it weakened the critical view of the founder of the empire. During his lifetime, Bismarck had personal influence over his image in history, as he controlled access to documents and sometimes corrected manuscripts. After the death of the chancellor, control over the formation of the image in history was taken over by his son, Herbert von Bismarck.

Professional historical science could not get rid of the influence of Bismarck's role in the unification of the German lands and joined in the idealization of his image. Heinrich von Treitschke changed his attitude towards Bismarck from critical to devoted admirer. He called the founding of the German Empire the most striking example of heroism in German history. Treitschke and other representatives of the Lesser German-Borussian school of history were fascinated by Bismarck's strength of character. Bismarck biographer Erich Marx wrote in 1906: “In fact, I must admit: living in those times was such a great experience that everything that has to do with it is of value for history.” However, Marx, along with other Wilhelmian historians such as Heinrich von Siebel, noted the contradictory nature of Bismarck's role in comparison with the achievements of the Hohenzollerns. So, in 1914. in school textbooks, it was not Bismarck, Wilhelm I, who was called the founder of the German Empire.

A decisive contribution to the exaltation of Bismarck's role in history was made in the First World War. On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Bismarck in 1915. articles were published that did not even hide their propaganda purpose. In a patriotic impulse, historians noted the duties of German soldiers to defend the unity and greatness of Germany achieved by Bismarck from foreign invaders, and at the same time, remained silent about Bismarck’s numerous warnings about the inadmissibility of such a war in the middle of Europe. Bismarck scholars such as Erich Marx, Mack Lenz and Horst Kohl have portrayed Bismarck as a conduit for the German warrior spirit.

Weimar Republic and Third Reich

Germany's defeat in the war and the creation of the Weimar Republic did not change Bismarck's idealistic image, since the elite historians remained loyal to the monarch. In such a helpless and chaotic state, Bismarck was like a guide, a father, a genius to be followed in order to end the “Versailles humiliation.” If any criticism of his role in history was expressed, it concerned the Little German way of solving the German question, and not the military or imposed unification of the state. Traditionalism prevented the emergence of innovative biographies of Bismarck. The publication of further documents in the 1920s once again helped to emphasize Bismarck's diplomatic skill. The most popular biography of Bismarck at the time was written by Mr. Emil Ludwig, which presented a critical psychological analysis of how Bismarck was portrayed as a Faustian hero in the 19th century historical drama.

During the Nazi period, a historical lineage between Bismarck and Adolf Hitler was more often depicted in order to secure the Third Reich's leading role in the German unity movement. Erich Marx, a pioneer of Bismarck studies, emphasized these ideologically driven historical interpretations. In Britain, Bismarck was also portrayed as the predecessor of Hitler, who stood at the beginning of Germany's special path. As World War II progressed, Bismarck's weight in propaganda decreased somewhat; Since then, his warning about the inadmissibility of war with Russia has not been mentioned. But conservative representatives of the resistance movement saw their guide in Bismarck

An important critical work was published by the German lawyer in exile Erich Eick, who wrote a biography of Bismarck in three volumes. He criticized Bismarck for his cynical attitude towards democratic, liberal and humanistic values ​​and held him responsible for the destruction of democracy in Germany. The system of unions was very cleverly constructed, but, being an artificial construction, it was doomed to collapse from birth. However, Eick could not help but admire the figure of Bismarck: “but no one, anywhere, can disagree with the fact that he [Bismarck] was the main figure of his time... No one can help but admire the power of the charm of this man, who is always curious and important."

Post-war period until 1990

After World War II, influential German historians, notably Hans Rothfelds and Theodor Schieder, took a varied but positive view of Bismarck. Friedrich Meinecke, a former admirer of Bismarck, argued in 1946. in the book “The German Disaster” (German. Die deutsche Katastrophe) that the painful defeat of the German nation-state canceled out all praise of Bismarck for the foreseeable future.

Briton Alan J.P. Taylor made it public in 1955. a psychological, and not least because of this limited, biography of Bismarck, in which he tried to show the struggle between the paternal and maternal principles in the soul of his hero. Taylor positively characterized Bismarck's instinctive struggle for order in Europe with the aggressive foreign policy of the Wilhelminian era. The first post-war biography of Bismarck, written by Wilhelm Momsen, differed from the works of his predecessors in a style that pretended to be sober and objective. Momsen emphasized Bismarck's political flexibility, and believed that his failures could not overshadow the successes of government.

In the late 1970s, a movement of social historians against biographical research emerged. Since then, biographies of Bismarck have begun to appear, in which he is depicted either in extremely light or dark colors. A common feature of most new biographies of Bismarck is an attempt to synthesize Bismarck's influence and describe his position in the social structures and political processes of the time

The American historian Otto Pflanze released between and. a multi-volume biography of Bismarck, in which, unlike others, Bismarck’s personality was placed in the foreground, studied by means of psychoanalysis. Pflanze criticized Bismarck for his treatment of political parties and subordination of the constitution to his own purposes, which set a negative precedent to follow. According to Pflanz, the image of Bismarck as the unifier of the German nation comes from Bismarck himself, who from the very beginning sought only to strengthen Prussian power over the major states of Europe.

Phrases attributed to Bismarck

• By providence itself I was destined to be a diplomat: after all, I was even born on the first of April.
• Revolutions are conceived by geniuses, carried out by fanatics, and their results are used by scoundrels.
• People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war and before elections.
• Don't expect that once you take advantage of Russia's weakness, you will receive dividends forever. Russians always come for their money. And when they come, do not rely on the Jesuit agreements you signed, which supposedly justify you. They are not worth the paper they are written on. Therefore, you should either play fairly with the Russians, or not play at all.
• The Russians take a long time to harness, but they travel quickly.
• Congratulate me - the comedy is over... (while leaving the post of chancellor).
• As always, he has a prima donna smile on his lips and an ice compress on his heart (about the Chancellor of the Russian Empire Gorchakov).
• You don't know this audience! Finally, the Jew Rothschild... this, I tell you, is an incomparable brute. For the sake of speculation on the stock exchange, he is ready to bury all of Europe, and it’s… me who’s to blame?
• There will always be someone who doesn't like what you do. This is fine. Everyone only likes kittens.
• Before his death, having briefly regained consciousness, he said: “I am dying, but from the point of view of the interests of the state, this is impossible!”
• The war between Germany and Russia is the greatest stupidity. That is why it will definitely happen.
• Study as if you were to live forever, live as if you were to die tomorrow.
• Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main strength of Russia, which is based on millions of Russians... These latter, even if they are dismembered by international treatises, are just as quickly reunited with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury...
• The great questions of the time are not decided by the decisions of the majority, but only by iron and blood!
• Woe to the statesman who does not take the trouble to find a basis for war that will still retain its significance even after the war.
• Even a victorious war is an evil that must be prevented by the wisdom of nations.
• Revolutions are prepared by geniuses, carried out by romantics, and their fruits are enjoyed by scoundrels.
• Russia is dangerous due to the meagerness of its needs.
• A preventive war against Russia is suicide due to fear of death.

Gallery

see also

Notes

1. Richard Carstensen / Bismarck anekdotisches.Muenchen:Bechtle Verlag. 1981. ISBN 3-7628-0406-0
2. Martin Kitchen. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Germany:-Cambridge University Press 1996 ISBN 0-521-45341-0
3. Nachum T.Gidal:Die Juden in Deutschland von der Römerzeit bis zur Weimarer Republik. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Lexikon Verlag 1988. ISBN 3-89508-540-5
4. Showing the significant role of Bismarck in European history, the author of the cartoon is mistaken regarding Russia, which in those years pursued a policy independent of Germany.
5. “Aber das kann man nicht von mir verlangen, dass ich, nachdem ich vierzig Jahre lang Politik getrieben, plötzlich mich gar nicht mehr damit abgeben soll.” Zit. nach Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122.
6. Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 7 f.
7. Alfred Vagts: Diederich Hahn - Ein Politikerleben. In: Jahrbuch der Männer vom Morgenstern. Band 46, Bremerhaven 1965, S. 161 f.
8. "Alle Brücken sind abgebrochen."Volker Ullrich: Otto von Bismarck. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1998, ISBN 3-499-50602-5, S. 124.
9. Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122-128.
10. Reinhard Pözorny(Hg) Deutsches National-Lexikon-DSZ-Verlag. 1992. ISBN 3-925924-09-4
11. In the original: English. „His life has been taught to at least six generations, and one can fairly say that almost every second German generation has encountered another version of Bismarck. No other German political figure has been as used and abused for political purposes.” Div.: Karina Urbach, Between Saviour and Villain. 100 Years of Bismarck Biographies,in: The Historical Journal. Jg. 41, Nr. 4, December 1998, art. 1141-1160 (1142).
12. Georg Hesekiel: Das Buch vom Grafen Bismarck. Velhagen & Klasing, Bielefeld 1869; Ludwig Hahn: Fürst von Bismarck. Sein politisches Leben und Wirken. 5 Bd. Hertz, Berlin 1878-1891; Hermann Jahnke: Fürst Bismarck, sein Leben und Wirken. Kittel, Berlin 1890; Hans Bloom: Bismarck und seine Zeit. Eine Biographie für das deutsche Volk. 6 Bd. mit Reg-Bd. Beck, Munich 1894-1899.
13. “Denn dieses Lebenswerk hätte doch nicht nur zur äußeren, sondern auch zur inneren Einigung der Nation führen sollen und jeder von uns weiß: das ist nicht erreicht. Es konnte mit seinen Mitteln nicht erreicht werden.” Zit. n. Volker Ullrich: Die nervöse Großmacht. Aufstieg und Untergang des deutschen Kaiserreichs. 6. Aufl. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 978-3-596-11694-2, S. 29.
14. Theodor Fontane: Der Zivil-Wallenstein. In: Gotthard Erler (Hrsg.): Kahlebutz und Krautentochter. Märkische Portraits. Aufbau Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 2007,

Bismarck Otto von (1815-98), German statesman, who was called the “Iron Chancellor”.

A Prussian nobleman, Bismarck showed himself in parliament as an ardent monarchist and opponent of democracy. During the revolutions of 1848, he opposed the demand for constitutional reforms, and in 1851, as a representative of Prussia in the Frankfurt Assembly, which was dominated by Austria, he demanded equal rights for Prussia.

After a short stay as ambassador to St. Petersburg (1859) and Paris (1862), he was appointed first minister of Prussia (1862-90).

Increased the numbers and reorganized the Prussian army.

In 1864, Prussia, together with Austria and other German states, defeated Denmark, annexing Schleswig-Golyptein, as well as the Kiel Canal, which was of great strategic importance for the German Confederation.

In 1866, Bismarck provoked a conflict between Prussia, acting together with Italy, and Austria, known as the Seven Weeks War (Austro-Prussian War), from which Prussia emerged victorious. Bismarck then annexed Hanover and in the same year united most of the German states into the North German Confederation and became its chancellor.

He was the initiator of the Franco-Prussian War (1870-71), which led to the surrender of Napoleon III and the long and brutal siege of Paris by Prussian troops. According to the peace treaty at Versailles, France lost Alsace-Lorraine, and Bismarck here in January 1871 proclaimed King William I of Prussia emperor of the German Empire.

In Germany, Bismarck introduced a single currency, central bank, legislation and carried out a number of administrative reforms.

Bismarck's attempts to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church (the so-called “Kulturkampf”) ended in failure, but the Prussian school system, controlled by government officials, was established throughout Germany.

A supporter of a strong executive power, Bismarck sought to limit the powers of the German parliament (Reichstag) and brutally dealt with supporters of socialism. In an attempt to lure workers away from the socialists and keep the unions under control, Bismarck introduced the first social security system in history - a series of social insurance laws (1883-87), which provided for compensation in case of illness, accidents and old age.

In the field of international relations, the Chancellor initiated the creation of the “Union of the Three Emperors” (German: Dreikaiserbund), and then the Triple Alliance.

With great success he chaired the Berlin Congress (1878) and the Berlin Conference on Africa (1884). Thanks to his policies of protecting the national economy and protective tariffs, German industry and trade flourished, and the country itself actively acquired overseas colonies.

The death of William I exposed the weakness of Bismarck's position, which depended on the will of the monarch rather than on the support of the people. Wilhelm II saw Bismarck as a threat to his power and forced him to resign in 1890.

Bismarck spent the last years of his life in solitude.

On the topic "Otto von Bismarck"

Student 9 "D" class

Secondary school No. 15

Moldasheva Taira

Otto Eduard Leopold von Schönhausen Bismarck

Otto von Schönhausen Bismarck came from a noble but impoverished Prussian noble family. He was born in the small estate of Schönhausen, near Berlin. Following family tradition, he was supposed to become a military man, but his mother dreamed of seeing her son as a diplomat and Otto entered the law faculty of the University of Göttingen.

The future chancellor did not bother himself with science, devoting most of his time to fencing and beer. Subsequently, he repeatedly boasted of victories in 27 duels. After graduating from the University of Berlin, Bismarck tried to enter the diplomatic service, but was unable to do so due to lack of connections and became an official in the judicial department. However, this service did not last long, because Bismarck soon left his position and went to the village, where he began to manage his father’s two estates. He soon became a successful landowner, famous for his hunting and other victories.

Bismarck was an unusually strong-willed and physically resilient person. In secular circles he was called a “mad cadet.” In his political views, Bismarck was an ardent monarchist. Subsequently, one of his associates formulated his political credo as follows: “Force prevails over right!”

During the revolution of 1848, Bismarck came to Berlin to suppress the rioters at the head of an armed detachment of his peasants. Bismarck's actions were noticed by the authorities, and a few years later it was he who was entrusted with the post of head of German foreign policy.

Bismarck's political career began with the post of Prussian envoy to the Allied Diet in Frankfurt. There he studied all the intricacies of Austrian politics and realized that Austria wanted to weaken the influence of Prussia and play a major role in the political arena. In order to counter Austria in this endeavor, it was necessary to acquire a strong ally.

Bismarck visited St. Petersburg and Paris as ambassador and realized that the best allies for Germany were Russia and France. In 1862 he went home and at the same time became prime minister. On September 30, 1862, he made a famous speech in the Landtag: “The great questions of the time are decided not by speeches or decisions of the majority, but by iron and blood.” Ignoring the liberal opposition, Bismarck completed military reform and strengthened the German army.

From that time on, Bismarck firmly and decisively began to move towards his intended goal - the unification of Germany. In 1864 he led the war against Denmark and, with Austrian support, captured Silesia and Holstein. The Prussian army then marched against Austria and defeated it in the Seven Weeks' War of 1866. As a result of the defeat, Austria recognized Prussia's right to create the North German Confederation, which united 21 states.

The unification of Germany was completed in 1871 when Prussian troops defeated France. Thus, Bismarck's plan to transform Germany into the German Reich was realized. On January 18, 1871, the Prussian king was proclaimed German emperor, and Bismarck became his chancellor.

However, Bismarck's career ended soon after the death of Wilhelm I (1797 - 1888). His successor, Wilhelm II, feared Bismarck's increasing influence. Bismarck's request for resignation was submitted and accepted on March 20, 1890. He left Berlin, with crowds of people noisily cheering for his services to Germany. Already during his lifetime, he became the subject of worship and imitation, and after Bismarck’s death, monuments were even erected to him in different places of the empire.