German Invasion of France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg (1940) World War II Map of the French Campaign Date May 10, 1940 June 22 ... Wikipedia
Offensive actions of fascist German troops against France on May 10-June 24, during the Second World War 1939 45 (See Second World War 1939 1945). F.K. was prepared and carried out in an exceptionally favorable environment for the fascist... ... Great Soviet Encyclopedia
Coming. actions in German fash. troops on May 10, June 24 against the forces of the Anglo-French. coalition in France during World War II 1939 45. German goals. fash. The leadership was the occupation of the Netherlands and Belgium and the withdrawal of France from the war. During the F.C. there was... ... Soviet historical encyclopedia
German invasion of France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg (1940) World War II ... Wikipedia
10.5 24.6.1940, offensive actions of German troops in France during the 2nd World War. In May, German troops, advancing through Luxembourg and Belgium, broke through to the English Channel in the Calais area and surrounded the Anglo-Franco-Belgian troops in the area... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary
May 10-June 24, 1940, offensive actions of German troops in France during the 2nd World War. In May, German troops, advancing through Luxembourg and Belgium, broke through to the English Channel in the Calais area and surrounded the Anglo-French Belgian troops in... ... encyclopedic Dictionary
XX century: 1940 1949 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 ... Wikipedia
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France in World War II was directly involved from the very first days of September 1939. As a result of the fighting, the northern half of France and the Atlantic coast were occupied.
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✪ France during the occupation in World War 2.
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The French in the war against Hitler's coalition
Entering the war
France declared war on Germany on September 3, 1939, but did not conduct active hostilities (the so-called Strange War). The only attempt to influence the course of the war was the Saar Offensive Operation.
By 10 May 1940, 93 French divisions were stationed in northeastern France [ ], 10 British divisions and 1 Polish division.
By May 10, 1940, French troops consisted of 86 divisions and numbered more than 2 million people and 3,609 tanks, about 1,700 guns and 1,400 aircraft.
Germany maintained 89 divisions on the border with the Netherlands, Belgium and France [ ] .
French campaign 1940
On June 17, the French government turned to Germany with a request for an armistice. On June 22, 1940, France capitulated to Germany, and the Second Compiegne Truce was concluded in the Compiegne Forest. The result of the armistice was the division of France into an occupation zone of German troops and a puppet state controlled by the Vichy regime.
Hostilities officially ended on June 25. The French army lost 84,000 people killed and more than a million captured as a result of the war. German forces suffered 45,074 killed, 110,043 wounded and 18,384 missing.
Occupation of France
German occupation of France
During the occupation of France, the only magazine that did not stop publishing was Historia. All other magazines were closed.
Italian occupation of France
Resistance
On the other hand, immediately after the German occupation, the “Resistance Movement” unfolded in France. Some of the French helped the Soviet Union and its allies. At the end of 1942, the Normandy squadron (later the Normandy-Niemen air regiment) was formed on the territory of the USSR, consisting of French pilots and Soviet aircraft mechanics. French citizens served in the Royal Air Force, as well as in other units of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition.
The French in the war against the Anti-Hitler Coalition
Vichy regime in Southern France
The Vichy regime was created in the unoccupied zone of France and its colonies in July 1940. Even during the period of its creation, the French government broke off diplomatic relations with Great Britain as a result of the British attack on the French fleet. The USSR and the USA initially established diplomatic relations with the Vichy regime and transferred ambassadors to London only in 1941, after the German attack on the Soviet Union. Formally, the Vichy regime pursued a policy of neutrality, but in fact collaborated with Nazi Germany and Japan.
War at sea
After the surrender of France, the British government was concerned about the fate of the French fleet. Transferring it into the hands of the Germans changed the balance of power, and maintaining its advantage at sea was vital for Great Britain. Therefore, on July 2, 1940, the decision was made to launch an operation to capture or destroy the French navy.
All French warships stationed in the British ports of Plymouth and Portsmouth were captured. In Alexandria, a compromise was reached; the French ships were disarmed and deprived of fuel, but were not captured. At the French base of Mers-el-Kebir, the French refusal to comply with a British ultimatum led to a naval battle. The obsolete French battleship Brittany was sunk and several other French ships were seriously damaged. French losses exceeded 1,200 people. The British lost only a few aircraft. After several more smaller-scale clashes, the parties ceased hostilities on July 12.
The British's main goal was not achieved. The main forces of the French fleet, including three modern battleships, were concentrated in the port of Toulon. This fleet was scuttled by the French themselves only in November 1942, when there was a threat of its capture by the Germans.
On the other hand, the British attack, “treacherous” from the French point of view, strengthened anti-British sentiments and led to the consolidation of the Vichy regime, which was being formed at the same time, in France itself and its colonies. General De Gaulle's position was greatly weakened.
War in Africa and the Middle East
In September 1940, the British and Fighting France attempted to land in Dakar with the aim of capturing the French colony of Senegal. However, contrary to De Gaulle's assumptions, the French fleet and army turned out to be loyal to the Vichy regime and gave a tough rebuff to the attackers. After a two-day battle, the significantly superior Anglo-Australian fleet was unable to achieve virtually anything, the landing on the shore was unsuccessful and the Senegalese operation ended in complete failure. This dealt another blow to De Gaulle's reputation.
In November 1940, De Gaulle, with British support, launched a successful attack on the French equatorial African colony of Gabon. As a result of the Gabonese operation, Libreville was captured and all of equatorial French Africa was captured. However, due to the economic underdevelopment and strategic insignificance of the region, this success did not compensate for the failure in Senegal. Most French prisoners of war refused to join Fighting France and chose to be captured until the end of the war in Brazzaville.
On June 8, 1941, British, Australian troops and Fighting France launched a ground operation to capture Syria and Lebanon, controlled by the Vichy government. At the first stage, the Vichyists put up stubborn resistance, carried out several successful counterattacks and inflicted significant aviation losses on the enemy. However, within a month the allies managed to break the enemy’s resistance and on July 14 an agreement on surrender was signed in Acre. Under its terms, the Anti-Hitler Coalition gained control over Syria and Lebanon, and all soldiers and officers of the Vichy regime were offered the choice of repatriating to France or joining the Free French troops. As in Gabon, the vast majority of Vichyists refused to join General De Gaulle. The French also retained their fleet and air force and managed to scuttle the captured British ships.
On May 5, 1942, Great Britain launched an operation to occupy Madagascar in order to prevent the creation of a Japanese naval base on the island. A small French force (8,000 people) resisted for more than six months and surrendered only on November 8.
On November 8, 1942, the Americans and British landed in Morocco and Algeria. For political reasons, the operation was carried out under the US flag. The troops of the Vichy regime were demoralized by this point and did not offer organized resistance. The Americans won a quick victory with minimal losses within a few days. French forces in North Africa defected to the Allies.
War on the Eastern Front
On the Eastern Front, at least two units were formed from French volunteers, which fought as part of the Wehrmacht, but under the French flag and with French command staff.
On February 10, 1945, the 33rd Grenadier Division of the SS troops “Charlemagne” (1st French) was formed - from the previously existing French SS brigade of the same name that fought against the USSR. The French SS division fought on the Eastern Front. In March 1945, it was defeated by the Red Army in Pomerania and its remnants were withdrawn to the rear. The battalion of this division (300 people) in the Berlin operation, together with the Nordland division, defended the Reichstag area. According to some French sources, the heroically defending French destroyed 60 “Russian” tanks, were the last defenders of Hitler’s bunker and prevented the “Soviets” from taking it by the May 1st holiday.
The number of French prisoners of war in captivity of the USSR in 1945 reached 23,136 people, which is three times the number of the Charlemagne division.
Liberation
Landing in Normandy
After the Normandy landings, American, British, Canadian and Polish troops captured Paris (August 25, 1944). This gave a serious impetus to the development of the Resistance Movement; Charles de Gaulle, who lived in London, began to be considered a national hero.
CHAPTER III. FRANCE DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR
Beginning of the war
On September 1, 1939, Nazi Germany attacked Poland. France and Great Britain declared war on Germany. The Second World War began. Poland did not receive any real military assistance from its “guarantors”, France and England. As a result, the Polish army was defeated by Germany in two weeks. On the Western Front, the Germans did not take any decisive action. Great Britain and France did not take the military initiative, hoping that Germany would deliver the main blow in the East. Since there was no fighting on the Western Front from September 1939 to May 1940, this period was called the “Phantom War” in France.
In the fall of 1939, the cabinet of Edouard Daladier was still in power. In March 1940, he was replaced by a government led by the famous right-wing politician Paul Reynaud (March - June 1940).
The cabinets of Daladier and Reynaud, citing wartime conditions, gradually eliminated democratic freedoms. In September 1939, martial law was introduced in France. Rallies, meetings, demonstrations and strikes were prohibited. The press and radio were subject to strict censorship. The 40-hour workweek and vacations were abolished. Wages were “frozen” at pre-war levels.
The conclusion of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact served as the reason for the launch of an anti-communist campaign in France. The communists were declared "agents of Moscow and Berlin." At the end of September 1939, the FKP was banned and began to operate underground.
Surrender of France and the Vichy regime
In May 1940, Germany launched a rapid offensive on the Western Front. The Germans launched their first attack on French territory through neutral countries - Belgium and Holland. Then the main forces of Hitler's army attacked in the Sedan area, where the fortifications of the Maginot Line ended. The front was broken through, the Germans went to the rear of the Anglo-French troops and surrounded them near Dunkirk. With great difficulty, the Anglo-French fleet managed to evacuate the British Expeditionary Force without heavy weapons. The main forces of the French army, having lost the support of the British, hastily retreated. On June 10, Italy declared war on France, and German troops were already near Paris. Reynaud's government abandoned the capital and moved south, first to Tours and then to Bordeaux. On June 16, Reynaud's cabinet resigned. The new government was formed by 84-year-old Marshal Philippe Petain, a supporter of ending the war and concluding a truce with Germany. He immediately turned to the Germans with a request to stop hostilities and communicate peace terms.
The Franco-German armistice was signed on June 22, 1940 in Compiegne, the Franco-Italian one on June 25 in Rome.
According to the terms of the armistice, the French army and navy were disarmed and demobilized. France had to pay huge occupation payments of 400 million francs (from November 1942 - 500 million francs) daily. Two-thirds of the country, including Paris, was occupied by Germany. The southern part of France (the so-called free zone) and the colonies were not occupied and were controlled by the Pétain government. It settled in the small resort town of Vichy.
Formally, the Petain government retained the entire navy of the country. Great Britain, which continued the war, fearing that the French fleet might be captured by Germany, decided to disable it. On July 3, 1940, the English fleet attacked a French squadron stationed in the harbor of Mers el-Kebir (Algeria). Most of the ships were sunk or damaged. At the same time, the British captured French ships that found themselves in British ports and blocked the French squadron in the port of Alexandria (Egypt).
On French territory, both in the occupied and unoccupied zones, all political parties and major trade union associations were dissolved. Meetings, demonstrations and strikes were strictly prohibited.
In July 1940, in the unoccupied zone, Marshal Petain published “constitutional acts”, which effectively abolished the constitution of the Third Republic. The posts of President of the Republic and Chairman of the Council of Ministers were abolished. Parliament sessions were suspended. All executive and legislative power was transferred to Petain, who was declared the “head of state.” Pierre Laval became the second person in the Vichy government.
The Catholic Church gained great influence in the country. Religious congregations were given back the right to teach in private schools, which had been abolished by the 1905 law on the separation of church and state. State funding for private schools was also restored. Vichy propaganda quickly created for Marshal Petain the aura of the “savior of France,” who saved the French from continuing the war and returned peace and tranquility to the country.
Almost the entire French economy was put at the service of Germany. By the beginning of 1944, 80% of French enterprises carried out German military orders, which were paid for through occupation payments. Germany exported up to three-quarters of French raw materials and from 50 to 100% of the finished products of the main branches of French industry. Since 1942, the export of French workers for forced labor in Germany has become widespread. The occupiers deported about 1 million French people to Germany.
"Free France"
Simultaneously with the defeat of France, the history of its resistance to the occupiers began. It is associated, first of all, with the name of the outstanding French military, political and statesman of the 20th century. General Charles de Gaulle.
De Gaulle was born on November 22, 1890 into an aristocratic family and was raised in the spirit of patriotism and Catholicism. After graduating from the Saint-Cyr Higher Military School, he fought on the fields of the First World War and graduated with the rank of captain. During the interwar period, de Gaulle continued his military career. However, already from the mid-20s, his activities went far beyond the scope of military service. He wrote and gave talks a lot. In four of de Gaulle's books - "Discord in the Enemy's Camp" (1924), "On the Edge of the Sword" (1932), "For a Professional Army" (1934) and "France and Its Army" (1938). ) - reflected the author’s own military doctrine and his life credo. He was essentially the first in France to predict the decisive role of tank forces in a future war and presented himself as an adherent of French nationalism and a supporter of a strong executive branch.
De Gaulle was a staunch opponent of the defensive tactics developed by the General Staff of the French Army, which was based on the idea that the Maginot Line was inaccessible. He warned about the destructiveness of such views and called for strengthening the country's defense capability. De Gaulle considered it necessary, first of all, to form additional tank corps in France, equipped with the latest types of vehicles. He sought supporters in military and political circles. In 1934, he even managed to meet Paul Reynaud, but de Gaulle did not achieve effective support for his ideas.
At the beginning of World War II, de Gaulle, who served with the rank of colonel, was appointed commander of tank forces in Alsace. When Germany launched a rapid offensive on the Western Front in 1940, he was ordered to lead a hastily raised armored division. Throughout May, she fought selflessly, suffering heavy losses. The enemy had a huge advantage in tanks, artillery and aviation. For his military services, de Gaulle was promoted to the rank of brigadier general.
In Paris, Paul Reynaud, when reorganizing his cabinet, appointed de Gaulle deputy minister of war. The general immediately arrived in the capital. He stubbornly insisted on continuing the war and tried to convince Reynaud of this. De Gaulle invited the government to move to France's North African possessions and fight, relying on the country's huge colonial empire. However, the chairman of the Council of Ministers chose to transfer power to Marshal Petain. Then de Gaulle committed an unprecedented act. He resolutely refused to submit to the new French authorities, who were heading for surrender, and on June 17, 1940, he flew on a military plane to London.
In the English capital, the rebel general immediately met with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and assured him of his firm intention to continue the fight. On June 18, on London radio, de Gaulle made a famous speech addressed to his compatriots. In it, he argued that the situation in France was far from hopeless, because the war that had begun was of a global nature and its outcome would not be decided only by the battle for France. The speech ended with the following words: “I, General de Gaulle, now in London, invite French officers and soldiers who are on British territory or who may be there to establish contact with me. Whatever happens, the flame of the French Resistance must not and will not go out.” So already in June 1940 the flag of French resistance to the enemy was raised.
In London, de Gaulle founded the Free France organization, designed to fight against Nazi Germany on the side of Great Britain. The Vichy government sentenced de Gaulle to death in absentia for “desertion” and “treason.” Nevertheless, both military and civilians of a wide variety of political views and beliefs began to join the Free French. At the end of 1940 there were only 7 thousand people, less than two years later this number increased tenfold.
On August 7, 1940, de Gaulle and Churchill signed an agreement regarding the organization and use of French volunteer forces in England. De Gaulle undertook to form and exercise supreme command of these forces in accordance with the general directives of the British Government. Great Britain did not recognize de Gaulle's rights to exercise state power and considered the “free French” only as volunteers in their service. However, it provided de Gaulle with regular financial support and gave him the opportunity to create a civilian body in addition to the military one. The English BBC radio station was also placed at de Gaulle's disposal. Through it, Free France broadcast propaganda to France.
First of all, de Gaulle directed his efforts towards taking possession of French colonies, mainly African ones. With the help of his supporters, he began active propaganda there in favor of continuing the war and joining the Free French. The North African administration categorically rejected such proposals and remained loyal to the Vichy government. The colonies of French Equatorial Africa behaved differently. Already in August 1940, Chad joined de Gaulle. After some time, Congo, Ubangi-Shari, Gabon, and Cameroon went over to the general’s side. Several small French possessions in the Pacific declared its recognition. This was the first big success. True, in September 1940 the Gaullists suffered a serious defeat. The expedition of the Anglo-French squadron, which aimed to capture the most important port of French West Africa - Dakar, ended in failure. The city garrison remained on the Vichy side. Yet Free France now had its own territorial base on the African continent. This allowed de Gaulle to begin creating his “state apparatus” and decisively disassociate himself from the Vichy government.
On October 27, 1940, de Gaulle issued a Manifesto regarding the leadership of the French during the war. In it, he condemned the activities of Petain’s cabinet, spoke about the illegality of its existence and called the collaborationists “accidental leaders” who submitted to the enemy. De Gaulle declared that on behalf of France he would exercise power for the sole purpose of protecting the country from the enemy.
At the very end of 1940, the Free French Office of Political Affairs was created. Its work was supervised by de Gaulle himself. He also defined the tasks of the Directorate: “Create and use information services that collect materials about the political situation in France and the Empire. Organize and support the Free France movement in France and the Empire and try to extend its activities to old and new political, social, religious, economic, professional and intellectual organizations and convince them of the need at the moment to subordinate all personal interests to one - the national one.” . The Directorate consisted of the General Staff and the Information Service. Three bureaus were subordinate to them. The first defined specific tasks. The second was to carry them out on the territory of France and the colonial empire. It subsequently grew into the famous Central Bureau of Awareness and Action (CBRA). The third was engaged in establishing contacts with foreign countries. Its representatives were sent by de Gaulle to various regions of the world in order to achieve recognition of the Free French by foreign governments.
In September 1941, de Gaulle issued the Free French Ordinance. He established the National Committee, which temporarily exercised the functions of state power. It was called upon to exist until “until a representation of the French people is created, capable of expressing the will of the nation, regardless of the enemy.” The National Committee included commissioners appointed by its chairman, General de Gaulle: Rene Pleven (coordinating the activities of the committee), Maurice Dejean (foreign affairs), Rene Cassin (justice and public education), General Legentille (military affairs), Admiral Muselier ( military and merchant marine), General Valen (aviation affairs), André Dietelme (internal affairs). The commissioners headed the national commissariats. So, within the framework of Free France, some semblance of a government was created.
The cooperation of Free France (from July 1942 - Fighting France) with its allies in the anti-Hitler coalition was not easy at first. First of all, this concerned the development of de Gaulle’s relations with the British government, before which he defended French national interests. The head of the Free French sought to prevent the spread of English influence in the French colonial possessions.
In the summer of 1941, as a result of a joint military operation between the British and the “free French”, the Vichy regime in the French colonies in the Middle East - Syria and Lebanon - was overthrown. In the spring of 1942, Great Britain captured the island of Madagascar and eliminated the Vichy administration there. The British wanted to establish their power in these French possessions. De Gaulle categorically opposed this and, at the cost of enormous efforts and difficult diplomatic negotiations, annexed Syria, Lebanon and Madagascar to the Free French movement.
Immediately after the start of the Great Patriotic War, de Gaulle, on behalf of the Free French, initiated cooperation with the USSR, which had previously maintained diplomatic relations with Vichy.
The events of June 22, 1941 found the general in Africa. On June 30, the Vichy government announced the severance of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. The plenipotentiary representative of the USSR under Vichy A.E. Bogomolov was immediately recalled from France. But already on July 1, the Ambassador of the Soviet Union to Great Britain I.M. Maisky telegraphed from London to Moscow that even before the break with Vichy, he was privately visited by de Gaulle’s representative Cassin, “who on behalf of the general conveyed sympathies and best wishes to the USSR.” and at the same time “raised the question of establishing some kind of relationship between the Soviet government and de Gaulle’s forces.” In August, Cassin and Dejean again raised the same question with I.M. Maisky. And on September 26, 1941, the USSR Ambassador to Great Britain conveyed an official written response to de Gaulle: “On behalf of my government, I have the honor to notify you that it recognizes you as the leader of all free Frenchmen, wherever they are, who have rallied around you , supporting the Allied cause."
Both sides decided to exchange official representatives. At the beginning of November 1941, A.E. Bogomolov was sent to Great Britain with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary Plenipotentiary of the USSR to the Allied governments in London. The Soviet government entrusted him with the functions of maintaining contact with the Free France. Roger Garro, Raymond Schmittlen and the military representative General Ernest Petit, appointed by de Gaulle, left for Moscow.
The United States maintained diplomatic relations with Vichy before entering World War II. However, the Americans were interested in using the French island colonies in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, controlled by the Free French, as their military naval and air bases.
After the United States entered the war on the side of the Allies in December 1941, de Gaulle approached the United States with a proposal to establish diplomatic relations. Official Washington did not give the head of Free France a positive answer for a long time. It was not until March 1942 that the United States recognized the authority of De Gaulle's National Committee in the Pacific Islands. In July 1942, the US government published a communiqué recognizing the organization headed by de Gaulle.
Resistance movement
From the second half of 1940, the first Resistance groups began to form in the territory of occupied France and in the so-called free zone.
The most active role in the process of countering the occupiers was played by the French Communist Party. The Manifesto published by her on July 10, illegally distributed throughout the country, defined the main goals of the struggle in the current conditions - the national and social liberation and revival of France, the conquest of freedom and independence by the French people. The communists launched extensive activities to publish the underground newspaper L'Humanité, brochures and leaflets. They organized acts of sabotage and assassination attempts on the occupiers.
In 1941, in some cities of the country (Paris, Lyon, Marseille, Clermont-Ferrand, etc.), in addition to communist groups, bourgeois-patriotic Resistance groups also operated. They conducted anti-fascist propaganda, published illegal leaflets and newspapers, and collected intelligence data.
By the end of 1941, the Resistance movement in France had become an impressive effective force. Almost all sectors of French society were represented.
General de Gaulle set himself the task of uniting the scattered forces of the Resistance around the Free French. In this regard, he made a number of speeches, where he outlined the program of the organization he headed. In one of them, he stated that to the original motto of the Free France, “Honor and Homeland,” another “Freedom” is now added. Equality. Brotherhood". “We want to remain faithful,” de Gaulle emphasized, “to the democratic principles that the genius of our nation gave to our ancestors and which are the stakes in this life-and-death war.” In order to practically begin to unite the various Resistance groups under his leadership, the general began sending special “political missions” to France. The main one was entrusted to the outstanding figure of the French Resistance, Jean Moulin.
In October 1941, Moulin, on his own initiative, came to de Gaulle in London. He presented him with a report on the situation in France. Moulin considered immediate and comprehensive assistance from the British government and General de Gaulle to be the decisive condition for all further successes of the Resistance. He asked to provide political and moral support to the Resistance organizations, to provide them with means of communication and financial assistance. Moulin made a strong impression on the head of the Free French. Thanks to him, for the first time he received reliable information about the movement unfolding in his homeland. De Gaulle decided to entrust this man with a responsible mission - to unite all Resistance groups and ensure their submission to his leadership. In January 1942, Moulin parachuted into southern France.
Beginning in 1942, the London organization’s connections with the Resistance movement began to become systematic. A Commissariat for Information was created under the London National Committee, headed by Jacques Soustelle. His functions were mainly to supply information about the activities of Free France to various radio stations around the world, as well as underground publications published in France.
At first, not all Resistance figures advocated subordination to the Free French. However, gradually many began to lean towards this. The leaders of various Resistance groups sought to get to London to personally meet de Gaulle. During 1942, he was visited by representatives of political parties that had gone underground, socialists Pierre Brossolet, Felix Gouin, Christian Pinault, Andre Philip, and radical Pierre Mendes-France.
Pinault's visit to the English capital in the spring of 1942 was of great importance. In the draft Manifesto he compiled, the head of Free France was called the representative of the French people. De Gaulle personally revised the Manifesto, and Pinault took it to France. In June 1942 it was published in the underground press. The Manifesto condemned the regime of the Third Republic, which led the country to disaster, and the Vichy regime, which collaborated with the fascists. The restoration of the integrity of the territory of France and its empire at the end of the war was declared. “As soon as the French are freed from enemy oppression,” the document emphasized, “all their internal freedoms must be returned to them. After the enemy has been driven from our territory, all men and women will elect a National Assembly, which will itself decide the fate of our country.” Essentially, the text testified to the recognition by the head of Free France of basic democratic principles. It promised to convene a plenipotentiary parliament after liberation and restore democratic freedoms in the country.
The appearance of the Manifesto had the most positive impact on the relations of the Free French with the internal Resistance. Non-communist organizations now joined de Gaulle one after another. The general also sought to enlist the support of the communists, realizing that it was the PCF that was the effective force of the Resistance. At de Gaulle's insistence, the Communists sent their representative Fernand Grenier to him in London at the end of 1942. The general did not share many of the views of the communists, but he cooperated with them, realizing that at the moment it was absolutely necessary.
French Committee of National Liberation
After the defeat of the Nazi troops at Stalingrad, a radical turning point in the course of the war was outlined. The defeat of Germany and its allies on the Eastern Front created favorable conditions for the opening of a second front in Western Europe, which England and the United States promised to do back in 1942. However, instead they decided to land troops in Algeria and Morocco, where Vichy troops were stationed. The Americans believed that it was necessary to act in harmony with the Vichy authorities, and sought to find some high-ranking French military man who could carry the Vichy administration and army with him. The commander of the French fleet, Admiral Darlan, was quite suitable for such a role. At the beginning of November he was in Algeria. The Americans also worried about a backup option - another French military man, Army General Giraud, was at the ready. The allies intended one or the other to replace de Gaulle, who, in their opinion, was too intractable and ambitious. He was not even warned about the impending military operation.
On November 8, 1942, large Anglo-American forces landed on the territory of Algeria and Morocco. The Vichy troops, after a short resistance, laid down their arms. In response, Germany occupied the southern, “free” zone of France. The American command proclaimed Admiral Darlan High Commissioner of North Africa. However, on December 24 he was shot dead. A few days later, General Giraud was appointed to replace Darlan, receiving the title of “civil and military commander in chief.” His entourage consisted mainly of Vichyists who went over to the US side. The general himself was clearly sympathetic to the Vichy regime. He saw his main task only in winning the war.
Giraud had no objection to uniting with Fighting France, but, commanding a large army and far outranking Brigadier General de Gaulle, he took it for granted that the comparatively weak forces of Fighting France should come under his command. Giraud took a clearly pro-American position, acted on the orders of US President Franklin Roosevelt and was supported by him in his intentions regarding the London organization. In January 1943, Roosevelt and Churchill held a conference in Casablanca (Morocco). At it, in particular, the “French question” was considered. The American President and the British Prime Minister decided to unite the groups led by de Gaulle and Giraud, but encountered serious difficulties. Both generals met in Casablanca, but did not come to an agreement, since de Gaulle categorically refused to allow the National Committee he headed to be in a subordinate position. Thus, Giraud continued to be the sole head of administration in North Africa, and de Gaulle had to return to London.
As a result, in the spring of 1943, the head of “Fighting France” again began the fight for recognition. He decided that he could count on success only by enlisting the support of his most important ally in the anti-Hitler coalition - the USSR - and the Resistance movement.
De Gaulle sought to visit the Soviet Union and see J.V. Stalin. Moscow has so far refused to accept the head of Fighting France. However, the USSR government made it clear that it preferred de Gaulle over Giraud.
De Gaulle's contacts with representatives of various groups and political trends of the Resistance were constantly expanding. In the first half of 1943, socialists Vincent Auriol and Andre Le Trocoeur, radical Henri Kay, and leader of the Republican Federation Louis Marin visited the general in London.
A new important political mission was entrusted by de Gaulle to Moulins. He was supposed to unite all Resistance organizations and parties that opposed the occupiers and Vichy into a single National Council of the Resistance. He managed to do this in May 1943. The National Council of the Resistance included representatives of 16 main organizations that fought for the liberation of France. Among them were the Communist and Socialist parties, the General Confederation of Labor, Christian trade unions, and the main bourgeois-patriotic groups. The first chairman of the council was Jean Moulin. After his arrest and tragic death in the dungeons of the Gestapo, this post was taken by the head of the Combat Resistance group, Georges Bidault.
Having secured support from the internal Resistance, de Gaulle began negotiations with Giraud about the need for their meeting and unification. The governments of the USA and England advised Giraud to agree, and he invited de Gaulle to Algeria. Just before leaving London, the head of Fighting France received a telegram from Moulin, which stated that preparations for the creation of the National Council of the Resistance had been completed. It also stated that “the French people will never allow General de Gaulle to be subordinated to General Giraud and demands the rapid establishment of a Provisional Government in Algeria under the chairmanship of General de Gaulle.” Thus, appearing before public opinion as a national leader enjoying the support of the Resistance movement, the general came to Algeria at the end of May 1943.
De Gaulle and his supporters initiated the creation of a government body headed by two chairmen. The leaders of the USA and England, as well as General Giraud, agreed to this proposal. As a result, on June 3, 1943, in Algeria, de Gaulle and Giraud signed an order establishing the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL). The committee included de Gaulle and Giraud as chairmen, as well as 5 other people - Generals Catroux and Georges, Andre Philippe, Rene Massigli and Jean Monnet.
The FCNO saw its tasks as continuing to fight together with its allies “until the complete liberation of French territories and the territories of the allies, until victory over all hostile powers.” The FCNO pledged to “restore all French liberties, the laws of the republic and the republican regime.”
On June 7, the commissariats (ministries) of the FKNO were formed, and its composition was expanded. At the suggestion of de Gaulle, it included Rene Pleven, Henri Bonnet, André Diethelme and Adrien Tixier, and at the suggestion of Giraud - Maurice Couve de Murville and Jules Abadie. Now there were 14 committee members, and 9 of them belonged to “Fighting France”. Monnet and Couve de Murville also declared their support for de Gaulle. Thus, the balance of power was in his favor. During 1943, de Gaulle gradually removed Giraud from business and became the sole chairman of the FKNO.
Under the leadership of de Gaulle, the FCNO took a number of measures to eliminate the Vichy order in French North Africa. This increased his prestige in the eyes of the Resistance. This circumstance predetermined the issue of its diplomatic recognition. At the end of August 1943, statements on recognition of the FKNO were published simultaneously by the USSR, England, the USA, and over the following weeks by 19 more states.
At the initiative of de Gaulle, in September 1943, the FKNO adopted an ordinance establishing a representative body similar to parliament in the Algerian capital - the Provisional Consultative Assembly. It was formed of 94 people, representatives of Resistance organizations, former parliamentarians and delegates from the population of the liberated territories.
In early November, the FKNO decided to include representatives of the main political movements and organizations of the Resistance into its composition. It now included from the Resistance organizations Emmanuel d'Astier, François de Manton, Henri Frenet, Rene Captain, Andre Philip, Andre Le Trocoeur, Pierre Mendes-France, Henri Kay and others. The question of the inclusion of communists in the FCNO was discussed. But he was decided only after some time.Representatives of the PCF, François Billoux and Fernand Grenier, became members of the committee only in mid-1944.
At the first meeting of the assembly in early November 1943, de Gaulle made a speech to the assembled deputies. In it, he announced the reform program that he intended to implement after the liberation of France.
In January 1944, de Gaulle signed an order creating the institution of regional commissars of the republic, which authorized the division of the entire territory of France into regional commissariats headed by commissioners, corresponding to the previously existing regional prefectures. “The regional commissioners,” the ordinance stated, “are entrusted with taking all necessary measures, with the exception of the functions within the competence of the military authorities, to ensure the security of the French and allied armies, to organize the administration of the territory, to restore republican legality, as well as to take care of meeting the needs of population." The commissars were supposed to replace the Vichy prefects throughout the country. It was on them that de Gaulle hoped to rely on in the provinces.
The chairman of the FKNO was finally recognized by the National Council of the Resistance, which published its program in March. In it, along with an indication of the need for fundamental democratic changes in France, the demand for the creation of a Provisional Government of the Republic headed by de Gaulle was put forward.
The general, while in Algeria, also outlined his political program of action. Speaking to members of the Assembly in March 1944, he declared that “the essence and form of the French society of tomorrow ... can only be determined by a representative body of the nation, elected on the basis of general, direct and free elections ... As for the government, which national representation entrusts the functions of the executive power, then in order to carry them out it must have the strength and stability, as required by the authority of the state and the role of France in international affairs.” Four months later, on the eve of the liberation of the country, de Gaulle even more specifically defined the immediate tasks for France. “With regard to the political system,” he emphasized, “we have made our choice. We chose democracy and a republic. Letting the people speak, in other words, laying the foundations of freedom, order and respect for rights in the shortest possible time and thereby creating the conditions for general elections that will lead to the convening of a National Constituent Assembly, is the goal to which we strive.”
In June 1944, groups of Anglo-American troops under the command of General Eisenhower landed in northern France, and in August - in the south. De Gaulle obtained the consent of England and the United States to participate in the liberation of the country by FCNO troops and was given the opportunity to introduce their representatives into the inter-allied command. They were the French generals Koenig, Cochet and Leclerc. Following the Anglo-American troops, military units of the FKNO entered French soil. The French Committee for National Liberation itself was renamed the Provisional Government of the French Republic in August 1944. De Gaulle became its chairman.
The news of the landing of the Allied armies served as a signal for the national uprising advocated by the French Communist Party. General de Gaulle also supported this idea, who feared that otherwise the Allies would want to control liberated France with the help of their military administration. The national uprising quickly spread to 40 of the country's 90 departments.
Under the leadership of the communists, preparations were also being made for an armed uprising in Paris. This fact excited de Gaulle, who believed that the PCF could “stand at the head of the uprising like a kind of Commune.” De Gaulle's representatives operating in France also feared this. They concentrated combat groups of bourgeois-patriotic organizations in Paris and agreed on their support by the Parisian police and gendarmerie, who had already agreed to go over to the side of the Provisional Government. De Gaulle's supporters wanted Allied troops to approach Paris as quickly as possible and prevent an uprising. However, it began before their appearance in the French capital.
On August 24, when Leclerc's tanks entered Paris, the main part of it had already been liberated by French patriots. The next day, the commander of the troops of the Paris region, the communist Rolle-Tanguy, and General Leclerc accepted the official surrender of the German garrison. On the same day, de Gaulle arrived in Paris.
From the station, the head of the Provisional Government went to the War Ministry to meet with the official authorities of the city and from there give the order to restore public order and supplies in the capital. After this, he went to the town hall, where representatives of the National Council of the Resistance and the Paris Liberation Committee were waiting for him.
On August 26, Paris rejoiced. A grandiose demonstration took place on the Champs Elysees to mark the liberation. A crowd of thousands filled the entire avenue. De Gaulle, accompanied by General Leclerc, drove up to the Arc de Triomphe, where, in the presence of members of the government and the National Council of the Resistance, he lit a fire at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, extinguished more than four years ago by the occupiers.
During the autumn, almost the entire territory of France was liberated. In October 1944, the Provisional Government headed by de Gaulle was recognized by the USSR, England and the USA. After this, de Gaulle directed his efforts to strengthening France's position on the world stage.
In November-December 1944, a French government delegation led by de Gaulle paid an official visit to the Soviet Union. Negotiations between the Chairman of the Provisional Government of France and J.V. Stalin ended with the signing of the Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Assistance between the two countries.
At the conference of the three victorious countries in Yalta, held in February 1945, it was decided to allocate a zone of occupation in Germany for France and include it in the Allied Control Council along with the USSR, the USA and England. France also received one of the five seats as permanent members of the Security Council of the newly created United Nations. At the Berlin (Potsdam) Conference (July-August 1945), France, along with the three great powers, was introduced into the Council of Foreign Ministers, which was supposed to solve the problems of a peaceful settlement.
What does France have to do with the victory over fascism?
Freedom-loving, democratic and left-oriented France (this is the historical image many of us are accustomed to) was nothing more than a myth. Historian Zeev Sternhel in his works he repeatedly raised the question of the “French roots of fascism.”
Of course, the Soviet Union understood perfectly well that the “great” French resistance could not in any way be compared with the partisan movement in Belarus or Yugoslavia, since, according to some estimates, it was inferior in scope even Italy And Greece. But, nevertheless, France was seen by Soviet politicians as the weakest link in the capitalist system, again Charles De Gaulle did not hesitate to demonstrate his openly skeptical attitude towards USA and NATO, and therefore they turned a blind eye to some myths of French history.
Now the situation has changed dramatically. From the former French independent policy there's no trace left. France - regardless of which party government is in power - behaves like an obedient satellite of the United States. And this gives us, Russians, citizens of a country that suffered the greatest damage in the world from the war, a reason to finally take an impartial look at the so-called French ally in the anti-Hitler coalition...
War haute couture
When World War II began in September 1939, French society greeted it extremely strangely: an abundance of new “patriotic” hats appeared?! Thus, the so-called “Astrakhan fez” became a bestseller. In addition, checkered fabric began to be imported from England, which was used to cut women's berets. This style of headdress immediately gave rise to many new hairstyles. Much was borrowed from military baggage.
For example, a hat designed Rosa Desk, very reminiscent of an English cap. In addition, a new accessory almost immediately came into fashion. Many wore the obligatory gas mask at their side. The fear of gas attacks was so great that for several months Parisians did not even dare to go outside without it. The gas mask could be seen everywhere: in the market, at school, in the cinema, in the theater, in a restaurant, in the subway. Some of the French women showed considerable ingenuity in disguising their gas masks. High fashion sensed this trend almost immediately. This is how fancy bags for gas masks, made of satin, suede or leather, began to appear.
A woman with a stroller equipped against gas attacks. England 1938
Advertising and trade immediately joined this process. A new style has appeared - they began to produce miniature gas masks perfume bottles And even tubes of lipstick. But the cylindrical hat boxes made by Lanvin were considered especially chic. They even stepped across the Atlantic. Argentine and Brazilian fashionistas, who were by no means threatened by the horrors of war, began to wear cylindrical handbags, very reminiscent of cases for gas masks.
The war and its first consequences (air raids and power cuts) dictated changes in the behavior of the French, especially city dwellers. Some of the eccentric Parisians began to wear khaki shirts with gold buttons. Epaulets began to appear on jackets. Traditional hats were replaced by stylized shakos, cocked hats and fezzes. Attributes came into fashion operetta military. Many young women, whose summer tans had not yet faded from their faces, refused to style their hair. They fell over their shoulders, reminiscent of a kind of hood, which had previously been designed to protect them from the cold. Curls and ringlets went out of fashion almost immediately.
Against the backdrop of official war propaganda, the loudest questions in the press were again strange at first glance: what would be the best way to sell all collections of fashionable clothing - to the French and foreign clients? How to maintain the palm that has traditionally been reserved for Parisian haute couture? In one of the French newspapers the following phrase flashed: “Where are the glorious old days when people from all corners of the globe flocked to Paris? When the sale of one luxurious dress allowed the government to buy ten tons of coal? When selling a liter of perfume could buy two tons of gasoline? What will happen to the 25 thousand women who worked in fashion houses?
As we see, at first the war for the French was just inconvenience that interfered with fashionable life. This is the only way to understand the essence of the proposal that the famous French fashion designer Lucien Lelong addressed to the authorities. He wanted guarantees state support... French couturier! He tried to explain that during the war such support was vital, and the continuation of high-end tailoring in France would allow him to maintain a presence in foreign markets! He said:
« Luxury and comfort are national industries. They bring in millions of foreign exchange reserves, which we so desperately need now. What Germany earns with the help of mechanical engineering and the chemical industry, we earn with transparent fabrics, perfumes, flowers and ribbons”...
The situation changed little when the period of the “strange war” passed and real hostilities began. Residents of France saw the catastrophe mainly only in the fact that fashionable shops, variety shows and restaurants were closed. Now the war was perceived not just as an inconvenience, but like a ruinous mome nt. As a result, France's defeat in the war was greeted with caution, but without tragic sentiment.
Once daily life interrupted resumed virtually immediately after the German occupation Northern France. Already on June 18, 1940, almost all stores opened iron shutters on their windows. Large department stores in Paris: Louvre, Galeries, Lafayette, etc. – started their work again. Years later, a new literary genre would appear in France - “How I Didn’t Love the Boches” (in Germany its analogue would be “How I Sympathized with the Anti-Fascists”).
However, actual diary entries made by the French in the second half of 1940 showed a completely different picture. Many are almost rejoiced that they could reopen their establishments. The owners of shops, benches and restaurants were pleased with the unprecedented number of “ new visitors" They were even more delighted that they were ready to buy everything the Germans paid in cash…
A crowd of women, children and soldiers wearing the signature Nazi salute. France
Large groups of “tourists” in feldgrau uniforms and armbands with swastikas actively photographed all the Parisian sights: the Louvre, Notre Dame Cathedral, the Eiffel Tower. And although the majority of the population watched what was happening with caution, there were many who openly welcomed the occupying forces. Gradually the fear went away. Young schoolgirls with braided hair sometimes summoned up the courage to smile at the conquerors. The following gradually spread throughout Paris: « How polite they are!», « How cute they are!». The Germans became charming occupiers" In the subway, without hesitation, they gave up their seats to elderly people and women with children. Not only trade, but also social life revived, although this happened in a very specific way.
The path to the Nazi EU
“The European idea is deeply rooted in France. Since Europe became associated primarily with Germany, then this idea works exclusively for us. Currently, the exhibition “France-European”, the opening of which was organized by our diplomatic services, attracts the attention of many visitors. We have involved radio, the press and literary reviewers to continuously propagate European ideology.”
These were the words contained in the message of the German ambassador Otto Abeza, which was sent to the Reich Foreign Minister on June 23, 1941 Ribbentrop. It must be said that " European ideas"were not new to France.
It was the French Minister of Foreign Affairs Aristide Briand put forward at the end of the 20s the idea of European unification. It immediately began to be actively discussed both in left and right circles of the republic. Many new magazines are appearing in France: “ New order», « New Europe", "Plans", "Struggle of the Young". Already from the names it follows that young French intellectuals, adhering to different political views, were looking for new ways to transform the “old Europe” with its disputed territories, mutual reproaches, economic crises and political scandals. The questions of how possible it was for the emergence of pan-European patriotism, supra-class socialism, and whether these phenomena could become the basis for the unification of all Western European peoples were actively discussed.
It should be noted that these discussions did not stop during the Second World War. No European country under German control has written so much about “ European idea", just like in France! The so-called “Vichy government,” as its youngest representatives immediately addressed the German ambassador Abetsu. They presented to the German diplomat a plan for the reorganization of France, which was supposed to not only meet the “standards” of the Axis countries, but also integrate your economy into the common (read German) economic space. The policy statement did not at all resemble a request from an occupied country - representatives of the “Vichy government” intended “to gain the victory of Europe through the defeat of France.”
In particular, their memorandum stated:
“We are forced to take an active position because our country is in dire straits. Military defeat, growing unemployment, and the specter of famine disorientated the public. Being under the harmful influence of old prejudices, false propaganda, which feeds on facts alien to the life of the common people, instead of looking to the future, our country turns to the bygone past, content with voices heard from abroad. We offer our fellow countrymen an extremely useful and exciting field of activity that can satisfy the vital interests of the country, revolutionary instincts and demanding national identity.”
The proposed transformation of France included seven important components: the adoption of a new political constitution, the transformation of the French economy, which would integrate into the European economy, adoption of a public works program in the field of construction, creation national socialist movement, new guidelines in French foreign policy.
Of all this list, we should be primarily interested in the question of a “new” foreign policy. The document stated the following on this issue:
“The French government does not want to abuse the trust placed in it, and therefore will not allow to recreate the previous system of unions, focused on preserving the so-called. equilibrium in Europe. In addition, France should not be a weak point, but rather a zone through which non-European political ideas would leak. France is forever connected with the fate of the continent and places emphasis on solidarity, which in the future should unite our country with all the peoples of Europe. Based on this, we believe that France should become the defensive line of Europe, which is predetermined by our sea coasts, and therefore can become a European bastion in the Atlantic. France will be able to cope with this task if the same harmonious distribution of responsibilities is applied in this area as in the economic areas. France must defend Europe primarily through the strength of its navy and colonial troops."
By and large " European idea” in France was clearly Anglophobic in nature. This was not surprising, given the details of the meeting between Marshal Pétain and Hitler, which took place on October 24, 1940 in the town of Montoir-sur-le-Loire. During these negotiations, Hitler told the marshal, who became the head of France:
“Someone must pay for a lost war. It will be either France or England. If England covers the costs, France will take its rightful place in Europe and can fully retain its position colonial power».
Activists who rallied around the magazine “New Europe” actively developed this topic. The story of the one who died at the stake was used Joan of Arc, the treacherous flight of English troops from Dunkirk, attacks on the French fleet near Mers-el-Kebir and much more...
... It would seem that one could continue to turn a blind eye to all these historical facts, which, in fact, was done by Soviet politicians in their time. However, the first wake-up call for us came in 1994, when the Russian delegation was not invited to the celebrations dedicated to the opening of the Second Front. At the same time, the Western community openly hinted that France was the real victorious country, and Russia “seemed to be not so much.” And today these sentiments of distorting history in the West are only intensifying.
So it makes sense for our historians and diplomats (before it’s too late) to pose to the world community a whole series of questions that require an extremely clear answer:
– why for every Frenchman who joined the partisans, there were several of his compatriots who voluntarily signed up for the Wehrmacht and Waffen-SS units?
- why for every hundred pilots from the Normandie-Niemen squadron were there many thousands of Frenchmen who were captured by the Soviets when they fought on Hitler’s side?
– why did the radical French fascist Georges Valois end his days in the Sachsenhasuen concentration camp, and the French communist Jacques Doriot volunteered for the Eastern Front to fight against the USSR?
- why the last battles in Berlin near the Reich Chancellery had to be fought not against fanatical Germans, but against French SS men?
- Why did Europeans, not distinguished by a long historical memory, begin to attribute the arbitrariness committed by the French occupation authorities on German territory to units of the Red Army?
- why a figure in the Vichy administration Francois Mitterrand after the end of the war he became a respected politician, and the great French writer Louis-Ferdinand Celine was subjected to “public disgrace”?
– why a fashion designer who collaborated with the occupiers Lucien Lelong was hailed as a figure of “cultural resistance” (“He saved French fashion”), and the French novelist and journalist Robert Brasillach was shot as an accomplice of the occupiers?
And finally, the most important two questions:
– can France be considered the winner of fascism, if it was its predatory policy, carried out under the cover of the Versailles Peace Treaty, on the one hand that provoked the emergence of Italian fascism and German National Socialism, and on the other hand laid the foundation for global geopolitical conflict, which eventually resulted in World War II?
France during the occupation in World War 2.
Poll in France: Who made the most significant contribution to the victory over Germany in World War II? 60 years of propaganda...
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French-German War 1939-1940
France declared war on Germany on September 3, 1939, but did not conduct significant military operations. By May 10, 1940, 93 French divisions, 10 British divisions and 1 Polish division were stationed in northeastern France. Germany maintained 89 divisions on the border with the Netherlands, Belgium and France.
On May 10, 1940, German troops crossed the border of the Netherlands and Belgium. On the same day, French troops entered Belgium. There were no military operations directly on the German-French border (Maginot Line). The first clash between German and French troops took place on May 13 in Belgium. On the same day, German troops crossed the Belgian-French border.
On May 25, the commander-in-chief of the French armed forces, General Weygand, said at a meeting of the French government that it was necessary to ask the Germans to accept their surrender.
At the same time, the French Communist Party conducted active propaganda in the army, calling on French soldiers to surrender to German captivity. This campaign was a success.
On June 8, German troops reached the Seine River. On June 10, the French government moved from Paris to the Orleans area. Paris was officially declared an open city. On the morning of June 14, German troops entered Paris.
On June 17, the French government turned to Germany with a request for an armistice. On June 24, 1940, France surrendered to Germany.
Soviet leader Joseph Stalin congratulated German Fuhrer Adolf Hitler, calling this event"a just victory over French imperialism".
After the capitulation, the French government was allowed to administer about a third of the territory of unoccupied German mainland France (the southeastern part), have an army of 100,000 there (similar to what Germany was allowed after the First World War), and also administer colonies in Africa, Asia and South America, having troops there.
French troops in the war against the USSR in 19 41-1945
French Volunteer Legion for the War against the Bolsheviks ( full official name) was created by the French authorities in July 1941.
In October 1941, this French legion (actually an infantry regiment of 2.5 thousand people) was sent to the German-Soviet front, in the Moscow direction. The French suffered heavy losses there, and from the spring of 1942 to the summer of 1944, the legion was removed from the front and sent to fight against Soviet partisans in the rear.
In the summer of 1944, the French legion actually found itself on the front line again (as a result of the Red Army's offensive in Belarus), again suffered heavy losses and was withdrawn to Germany.
In September 1944, the French volunteer legion was disbanded, and a French brigade of SS troops (numbering more than 7 thousand people) was created in its place.
In February 1945, the French SS brigade was renamed the 33rd SS Grenadier Division "Charlemagne" ("Charlemagne") and sent to the front in Pomerania against the Soviet forces. In March 1945, the French SS division was almost destroyed.
The remnants of the French division (about 700 people) fought in Berlin against Soviet troops at the end of April 1945.
About 8 thousand French(not counting the Alsatians drafted into the Wehrmacht).
3 Frenchmen were awarded the German Knight's Cross.
French troops in the war against Britain and the USA
In 1941, French troops fought against British troops in Lebanon and Syria, Madagascar, Senegal and the Congo. In all these theaters of war, French troops were defeated by the British.
In 1942, French troops fought in Morocco and Algeria against American and British troops landing there, but were defeated and captured within a few days.
Ending Second World War
During the signing of the act of surrender of Germany on May 8, 1945, the head of the German delegation, Field Marshal Keitel, seeing people in French military uniform among those present at the ceremony, could not contain his surprise:"How?! And these also defeated us, or what?!”
However, France was allocated a zone of occupation of Germany and was given a seat as a permanent representative on the UN Security Council.
